2. Important lessons from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the state
As mentioned earlier, the most profound warning and lesson of the collapse of the Soviet Union’s party and state was the internal construction of the Communist Party, especially the problems within the party’s leading group.
(1) The self-construction of a party not only relates to the survival of the party; it relates to the future and destiny of the state, the people, and even mankind
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) once achieved unprecedented brilliance. It not only established the world’s first socialist state, but also vigorously developed the cause of socialism, profoundly changing the global order and the development direction of human society, such that Marxism-Leninism gained extensive global influence.
In the era of Lenin and Stalin, the construction of the CPSU, in terms of politics, ideology, organization, work style, discipline, and systems, allowed it to adapt to the needs of revolution and war, construction, and development and promoted great strides in the socialist construction of the Soviet Union and the cause of international communism. Under the strong leadership of the CPSU, the Soviet people paid a huge sacrifice and price to defeat the invasion of foreign enemies and build a powerful country. In World War II, the invincible German fascist and Japanese fascist forces were defeated. After that, the socialist revolution developed from one country to many countries, and the socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union was formed.
The Soviet regime achieved people ruling their own country through the leadership of the CPSU. This means that the party’s self-construction task would be arduous, that it must always act as a public servant of the people, keeping in mind its purpose of serving the people. Toward what stage the cause of the party and the people develops determines to what stage the party’s construction will advance. However, from the time of Khrushchev’s tenure as supreme leader onward, serious problems arose in the construction of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in all aspects, especially in the construction of ideology, politics, and style of work. This was especially so in the later period of Brezhnev’s tenure as the supreme leader, during which the phenomenon of bureaucracy in the Soviet Union spread, and the problem of corruption became ever more serious, forming a privileged bureaucratic class that opposed the fundamental interests of the people. The image of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union among the people was seriously damaged, and the foundation for the legitimacy of its rule began to be shaken.
The privileged bureaucratic class was conservative and opposed to any changes involving their own interests. Of greater severity is that the privileged bureaucratic class was completely divorced from the masses, reducing the prestige of the party and the reputation of socialism while cultivating the soil for the growth of anti-communist and anti-socialist forces during the Gorbachev period. In order to legalize the illegally seized state resources, the privileged class tried their best to promote the evolution of the Soviet social system, and the anti-communist and anti-socialist forces led the Soviet Union to its disintegration.
Marxism is the theory of the people, and the standpoint of the people is the fundamental political standpoint of a Marxist party. The CPSU was tested by the revolution and war, led the people to carry out socialist modernization, and the Party and the people established a flesh-and-blood relationship. However, in the era of peaceful development, the CPSU gradually neglected party building. Party leaders were chasing fame and gain, were aloof and self-righteous, and forgot their original mission. It is no wonder that they were abandoned by history.
The history of the collapse of the CPSU shows that it is relatively easy to establish a political party and seize power, but it is extremely difficult to rise up after the collapse of a party and a state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation participated in the state’s political life in a peaceful manner and strived for the restoration of socialism, which once played an important role. However, since entering the 21st century, the development of the Russian Communist Party has not been stable. In March 2018, Russia held its seventh presidential election. The leader of the Russian Communist Party Zyuganov, who had been defeated four times, did not run in the election. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation elected Grudinin (Павел Грудинин) as its candidate. In September 2021, Russia officially announced the results of the eighth Duma election. The “United Russia” party won 49.82% of the votes, and the Russian Communist Party got 18.93%. However, the actual vote rate of the Russian Communist Party was 30%, and that of the United Russia Party was 35%.1 Putin talked to Zyuganov before and after the election to put pressure on the Russian Communist Party.
苏共败亡的历史表明，建立政党、夺取政权相对容易，但一朝倾覆、亡党亡国后再图崛起，就会异常艰难。苏联解体后，俄罗斯联邦共产党以和平方式参与国家政治生活，争取恢复社会主义，曾经发挥过重要影响。然而，进入 21世纪以来，俄共发展并不稳定。2018年 3月，俄罗斯举行第七届总统大选，曾 4次落选的俄共领导人久加诺夫没有参选，俄罗斯联邦共产党推举了无党派人士格鲁季宁 (Павел Грудинин) 作为其候选人。2021年 9月，俄罗斯官方公布了第八届杜马选举结果，“统一俄罗斯” 党得票率为 49. 82% ，俄共为 18. 93% 。但俄共实际得票率为 30% ，统俄党为 35% 。普京在大选前后都找过久加诺夫谈话以给俄共施压。
After the regime changed hands, the situation of ordinary people and Communists became very difficult. Ruslan Grinberg (Руслан Гринберг), a corresponding academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences and a well-known economist, once interpreted the development of the Russian economy 25 years after the disintegration of the Soviet Union: “If there are many poor people, the economy will not succeed.” He believes that contemporary Russia is experiencing unprecedented large-scale poverty after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, which is a symbol of the failure of Russia’s 25-year economic transformation; economic inequality is not only shameful, but also extremely detrimental to the country’s economic development.2 Ruslan Grinberg pointed out again in 2019 that the 3% of the richest Russian citizens owned 89% of the country’s financial assets in 2018. This is the result of a reckless rejection of Soviet justice, clearly showing that Russia has chosen a wrong path.3
政权易手后，广大老百姓与共产党人的处境变得十分艰难。俄罗斯科学院通讯院士、著名经济学家鲁斯兰·格林伯格 (Руслан Гринберг) 在苏联解体 25年时，曾对俄罗斯经济发展状况作过这样的解读:“如果有很多穷人，经济就不会成功。” 他认为，当代俄罗斯正经历着苏联解体后前所未有的大规模贫困问题，这是俄罗斯 25年经济转型失败的象征;经济不平等不仅是可耻的，而且对国家经济发展极为不利。2019年鲁斯兰·格林伯格再次指出，2018年 3% 最富有的俄罗斯公民拥有国家 89% 的金融资产，这是轻率拒绝苏维埃正义的结果，清楚地表明俄罗斯选择了一条错误道路。
On December 8, 2021, Volodin (Вячеслав Володин), Chairman of the Russian State Duma, published an article recalling the disintegration of the Soviet Union, saying that the senior leaders of the CPSU chose to betray their ideals, the state, and the people during the country’s most difficult period. In turn, the political elites profited from the collapse of the state. The United States and Europe were thus able to eliminate a powerful ideological opponent, splitting the USSR into different countries. And yet, in the process, none of the 15 republics of the Soviet Union benefited from the collapse of the state. Volodin emphasized that the economic and industrial ties of these member countries were severed, and the industrial capacity was lost. All these factors combined led to a major crisis, and even today, they still suffer the consequences of this tragedy.4
2021年 12月 8日，俄罗斯国家杜马主席沃洛金(Вячеслав Володин)发文回忆苏联解体时表示，苏共高层领导人在国家最困难的时期选择背叛理想、背叛国家、背叛人民，而政治精英们则从国家崩溃中攫取利益，美国和欧洲也因此得以消灭了一个强大的意识形态对手，将苏联分裂成不同的国家。但在这个过程中，苏联 15个加盟共和国却没有任何一个从国家崩溃中获益。沃洛金强调，这些加盟国的经济、工业联系被切断，工业能力丧失，这一切综合要素导致了一场重大危机，而到目前为止，他们仍在承受着这场悲剧带来的后果。
On the contrary, the United States, which destroyed the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist states by means of “unconventional warfare,” that is, ideological, economic, and financial warfare, harvested great wealth from the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe. High-tech industries such as those in computing and the internet that were originally used for military confrontation, were converted to civilian use, further forming financial capital and technical capital. Together, they have fueled the fast growth of the U.S. economy. As a result, economic globalization based on the hegemony of the U.S. dollar and led by the U.S. has reached a new peak. This is also equivalent to the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries handing over their wealth and supporting their competitors.
与此相反，以 “非常规战争” 即意识形态战、经济金融战等为主要手段摧垮苏联和东欧社会主义国家的美国，却从苏联解体、东欧剧变中收割了巨额财富，原用于军事对抗的计算机、互联网等高科技产业，转为民用，进一步形成金融资本 + 技术资本，共同推进了美国经济高增长，以美元霸权为基础和以美国为主导的经济全球化达到了一个新的巅峰。这亦相当于苏联和东欧国家将自己的财富拱手相让，奉养了自己的竞争对手。
(2) The leader’s beliefs, theoretical accomplishments, outlook on life, and values are directly related to the success or failure of the great cause of socialism
Judging from the experience and lessons of the rise and fall of the CPSU, the leaders of Marxist political parties must be as Lenin said: “only the most authoritative, most influential, and most experienced people who have been elected to the most important positions can be called leaders.”5 It is necessary for them to have the political foresight to take the lead and steer the ship. With unwavering, extraordinary, and fearless revolutionary courage, pioneering spirit, and innovative and excellent leadership for managing complex situations, they must be capable of always standing on the right side of history and the development of the times to lead the party and the people to always move in the right direction.
After Lenin and Stalin, the ideological and political quality of the major leaders of the CPSU declined, their morale was low, and some even became stubborn defenders of the interests of the privileged class. “Meat eaters are contemptuous. They are not far-sighted.” They are more concerned about the interests of individuals, families, and small groups. During the Gorbachev period, the leadership of the CPSU could not stand the test of the complicated situation and the temptation of material interests. Fundamental changes took place in ideals, beliefs, will, character, outlook on life, and values, and the fate of the collapse of the socialist cause of the Soviet Union could not be changed.
自列宁、斯大林之后，苏共主要领导人的思想政治素养下滑，意志品质低下，有的还变成了特权阶层利益的顽固维护者。 “肉食者鄙，未能远谋。” 他们更多的是考虑个人、家庭和小集团的利益。到了戈尔巴乔夫时期，苏共领导集团经不住复杂局势的考验和物质利益的诱惑，理想信念、意志品格、人生观、价值观等都发生了根本的变化，苏联社会主义事业遭遇覆亡的命运也就无法改变了。
History is the best teacher. During the leadership period of Lenin and Stalin, the reason why the CPSU was able to grow from weak to strong and lead the cause of socialism to flourish was because of the existence of strong leadership cores and leadership collectives in Lenin and Stalin. After the death of Stalin, the reason why the CPSU turned from prosperity to decline and the cause of socialism led by him was finally destroyed, was also because the CPSU lacked a strong leadership core and collective leadership. The Chinese Communist Party has grown from small to large, from weak to strong, and has made brilliant achievements after a century of ups and downs precisely because of the strong leadership core and collective leadership of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping. The cause of Chinese revolution, construction and reform is therefore invincible.
(3) Ideologically, theoretically, and politically unclear, incorrect, and unstable leadership is bound to lead the party and the state astray or even to doom
If the party’s leaders and leading collectives lack the scientific armament of Marxist ideology and theory, they will easily lose their way and lose motivation in the face of complex and ever-changing domestic and foreign situations. The CPSU was ideologically, theoretically, and politically unclear, incorrect, and unstable, greatly jeopardizing the cause of the party and the people.
When Khrushchev and Brezhnev were the senior leaders, the CPSU failed to clearly see the nature of imperialism and downplayed class struggle on an international scale. With wishful thinking, they proposed “peaceful coexistence,” “peaceful competition,” and “peaceful transition” and even proposed the political need for “Soviet-U.S. cooperation to dominate the world,” leading to Party chauvinism and world power chauvinism in the socialist camp while promoting hegemony around the world. In order to strengthen the control over Eastern European countries, Brezhnev threw out the so-called “socialist family theory,” “limited sovereignty theory,” and “international dictatorship theory” to control other fraternal countries and even openly carried out an armed invasion of Czechoslovakia. He also carried out aggression and expansion against the third world under the banner of “supporting the national liberation movement.” These erroneous practices of the CPSU have tarnished the reputation of the Marxist party and led to serious consequences such as the split of the international communist movement.
在赫鲁晓夫和勃列日涅夫担任最高领导人时期，苏共看不清帝国主义的本性，淡化国际范围的阶级斗争，一厢情愿地提出 “和平共处” “和平竞赛” “和平过渡”，并出于 “苏美合作，主宰世界” 的政治需要，在社会主义阵营搞大党主义和大国沙文主义，在世界范围推行霸权主义。为了加强对东欧盟国的控制，勃列日涅夫抛出了所谓 “社会主义大家庭论”“有限主权论” 和 “国际专政论”，控制其他兄弟国家，甚至公然武装入侵捷克斯洛伐克，还打着 “支持民族解放运动” 的旗号对第三世界进行侵略扩张。苏共的这些错误做法，败坏了马克思主义政党的声誉，导致国际共产主义运动发生分裂等严重后果。
Gorbachev promoted “new thinking” in diplomacy, advocating that “the interests of all mankind are above all else” and agreeing with Western values as the “values of all mankind,” abandoning the Marxist theory of class struggle and the method of class analysis. Guiding domestic reforms in accordance with Western values, completely relying on Western countries headed by the United States in terms of ideology and actions, he even sold the core interests of the Soviet Union in exchange for the trust of the West. What Russia got in return, however, was a tragedy for the party and the state and a celebration for the Western world. The lesson of the Soviet Union profoundly shows that if a socialist state takes the road of surrendering to Western countries by abandoning socialism, it will inevitably perish.
戈尔巴乔夫推行外交 “新思维”，鼓吹 “全人类的利益高于一切”，认同西方价值观为 “全人类价值观”，抛弃马克思主义阶级斗争学说和阶级分析的方法，按照西方价值观指引国内改革，在思想上行动上完全投靠以美国为首的西方国家，甚至出卖苏联核心利益以换取西方的信任，结果换来的却是亡党亡国的悲剧，以及西方世界的弹冠相庆。苏联的教训深刻表明，社会主义国家如果走屈服、投降西方国家的道路，改旗易帜，必然自取灭亡。
To avoid taking an erroneous path by abandoning socialism, we must adhere to Marxist standpoints, viewpoints, and methods. We must be fully aware that in the era when the socialist system and the capitalist system coexist and compete and the international monopolist bourgeoisie still dominates the world, we must not yield to the pressure of imperialism with compromise and concessions that are not based on principles and are given regardless of consequences. We should be soberly aware that since the emergence of socialist states, international reactionary forces have never given up their strategic plots of hostility and subversion of the socialist system. On the international stage, there is always a struggle between infiltration and reverse osmosis and subversion and anti-subversion, sometimes reaching a very acute level. Facing the complex and acute situation of international struggle, the ruling party of a socialist state must excel at grasping the opportunity. To adjust policies to guide international relations as far as possible in a direction that is conducive to peace, development, and the cause of human progress, we must also always maintain a clear and correct political mind, adhere to principles, and dare to fight to ensure domestic peace, stability, and development.
(4) The fundamental system that embodies the will of the people must be embodied in the text of the Constitution and in its implementation. These fundamental principles must not be shaken or even canceled in a disguised form.
The historical mission of the proletariat can only be gradually realized under the leadership of its vanguard organization. Therefore, once the proletariat seizes power, it must enact fundamental laws to reflect the will of the working class and working people. The socialist nature of the people’s democratic dictatorship and the core leadership of the Communist Party in socialist states must be clearly confirmed and safeguarded through the text of constitutions and laws. These fundamental systems must be resolutely implemented through various basic systems and important systems in all aspects of the people’s economy, politics, culture, and diplomacy. These fundamental systems must not be suspended in legal provisions through various basic and important systems. Furthermore, these unshakable principles must never be directly removed from the legal provisions. Only in this way can we ensure the socialist nature of the party and the state and safeguard the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people. Otherwise, such a party and state will be abandoned by the people.
After 1989, under the banner of political “diversification” and social “democratization,” Gorbachev adopted so-called “free” and “fair” methods to directly elect people’s deputies and representatives of the Supreme Soviet (members). As a result, a large number of radicals, anti-Soviet and anti-Communist leaders, and dissidents were elected. The “cross-regional parliamentarian group” proposed that “all powers belong to the Soviets” and demanded the abolition of Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution on the leadership of the CPSU. In 1990, the February Plenary Session of the CPSU Central Committee decided to abandon the ruling status of the CPSU and implement a multi-party system in the Soviet Union. The Soviet People’s Congress held in March of the same year officially abolished Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution, stipulating that the Soviet Union should implement a multi-party system, a presidential system, and establish a national political system with separation of powers. This fundamentally destroyed the jurisprudence of the CPSU’s governance foundation and dealt a fatal blow to the Soviet regime and the Soviet socialist system.
1989年以后，在政治 “多元化”、社会 “民主化” 等旗号下，戈尔巴乔夫采取所谓 “自由” “公正” 的方式，直接选举人民代表和最高苏维埃代表(议员)，结果是一大批激进分子、反苏反共头面人物、持不同政见者当选。“跨地区议员团” 提出 “一切权力归苏维埃”，要求废除苏联宪法第六条关于苏共领导地位的内容。1990年苏共中央二月全会决定放弃苏共执政地位，在苏联推行多党制。同年 3月召开的苏联人民代表大会，正式废除了苏联宪法第六条，规定苏联实行多党制、总统制，建立三权分立的国家政治制度，这就从根本上摧毁了苏共执政的法理根基，给苏维埃政权和苏联社会主义制度以致命一击。
In the Constitution, it is extremely important to establish and maintain the ruling status of the Communist Party and to establish and maintain the fundamental systems, basic systems, and important systems of socialism. The lessons of the Soviet Union sounded the alarm for us. For a period of time, there has been a trend of so-called “constitutional democracy” in our country. Under the banner of “democracy” and “rule of law,” they demanded an amendment to the expression of the leadership of the Communist Party in our country’s constitution, learning from the experience of the United States and other Western countries to implement “constitutional democracy.” The content included the so-called liberalization of a “party ban” and “media ban” as well as the implementation of a multi-party system, parliamentary democracy, and separation of powers. They also hoped to promote “judicial independence,” “political neutrality,” and “non-partyization” of the military and even to “establish the Federal Republic of China under the framework of democratic constitutionalism.” These propositions are exactly the same as Gorbachev’s speech of “transforming the CPSU,” the crux of which is to put party leadership in opposition to the constitution and laws, negating the leadership of the party and abolishing the people’s democratic dictatorship. The essence is to negate the Chinese constitution and its established systems and principles and ultimately abandon socialism, introducing the Western political system to China. The Chinese constitution has always clarified and safeguarded the leadership and ruling status of the Communist Party of China. The 2018 Constitutional Amendment added the content “The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics” to the first article of the text, which is absolutely correct. Facts have shown that it was not “constitutional democracy” that could save the Soviet Union, but it was precisely “constitutional democracy” that brought down the Soviet Union.
在宪法中，确立并维护共产党的执政地位，确立并维护社会主义根本制度、基本制度、重要制度，具有极端重要性。苏联的教训给我们敲响了警钟。一段时间以来，在我国出现了一股所谓 “宪政民主” 思潮，其打着 “民主” “法治” 等旗号，要求修改我国宪法关于共产党领导地位的表述、借鉴美国等西方国家经验搞 “宪政民主”，内容包括所谓开放 “党禁” “报禁”，推行多党制、议会民主、三权分立，推行 “司法独立” “政治中立” 和军队 “非党化”， “在民主宪政的架构下建立中华联邦共和国”。这些主张和戈尔巴乔夫时期 “改造苏共” 的言论如出一辙，要害是把党的领导与宪法和法律对立起来，否定党的领导、取消人民民主专政，实质是否定我国宪法及其确立的制度和原则，最终实现改旗易帜，把西方政治制度模式搬到中国来。我国宪法始终明确并维护中国共产党的领导地位和执政地位。2018年宪法修正案在正文第一条中添加 “中国共产党领导是中国特色社会主义最本质的特征” 这一内容，是无比正确的。事实表明，不是 “宪政民主” 能够拯救苏联，而恰恰是 “宪政民主” 搞垮了苏联。
(5) Only by adhering to the lofty ideal of communism and a firm belief in the victory of socialism can the party have cohesion and fighting strength
The fundamental reason for the weakness and disintegration of the CPSU and its loss of fighting strength is that it abandoned the nature, purpose, and goal of a Marxist political party, as well as the lofty pursuit of seeking happiness for the people and liberation for mankind. In particular, the leaders of the CPSU played down, abandoned, and deviated from the ideals and beliefs of socialism and communism, which provided a bad example for all Party members, and the lessons were extremely painful.
In terms of ideology and politics, Khrushchev advocated the “Party of the Whole People” and “State of the Whole People” of class reconciliation, advocated an abstract, supra-class humanist view, and demanded that the so-called “great humanism” be “our ideology,” downplaying the guiding position of Marxism-Leninism. In the late period of Brezhnev’s tenure as the supreme leader, the CPSU generally had inconsistencies between words and deeds, characterized by formalism, rhetoric, and talking but not doing, which seriously weakened the Party’s influence and caused the CPSU’s prestige to continue to decline. During Gorbachev’s period, the CPSU completely abandoned the guiding position of Marxism-Leninism. The party was ideologically chaotic, there were many factions, chaos abounded, people’s hearts grew lax, and it was eventually disbanded.
赫鲁晓夫在思想上政治上宣扬阶级调和的 “全民党” “全民国家” 论调，宣扬抽象的、超阶级的人道主义观，要求把所谓 “伟大的人道主义” 作为 “我们的意识形态”，淡化马克思列宁主义指导地位。苏共在勃列日涅夫担任最高领导人后期普遍存在言行不一、形式主义、夸夸其谈、只说不做等现象，严重弱化党的影响力，使苏共的威信不断下降。到了戈尔巴乔夫时期，苏共彻底放弃马列主义指导地位，党内思想混乱，派别林立，乱象丛生，人心涣散，最终惨遭解散的命运。
The painful lessons of the Soviet Union show that firm ideals and beliefs are of great significance to a Marxist party and to a socialist state. In a certain sense, whether the ideals and beliefs are firm or not is directly related to the life and death of the party and the state, and we must consistently uphold and strengthen the party’s ideals and beliefs education. Ideals and beliefs are the political soul and spiritual pillar of Communists, and the ideological guarantee for overcoming all difficulties and securing all achievements. The Chinese Communist Party has persevered in strengthening the Party’s ideological and theoretical construction, insisting on building the Party ideologically, promoting the theoretical strengthening of the Party, attaching great importance to socialist ideology, strengthening the construction of ideological positions, and firmly grasping the leadership of ideology. This series of major moves is absolutely correct.
(6) Abandoning the guiding position of Marxism and violating the principles of scientific socialism will inevitably lead to the fateful consequences of abandoning socialism and a destruction of the party and the state
There have always been two different views on the issue of reform: One is to regard reform as the self-improvement and development of the socialist system, organically unifying the adherence to the fundamental and basic systems of socialism, and the improvement of specific systems that do not meet the requirements of the development of productive forces. This not only regards reform as a revolutionary change to eradicate the shortcomings of systems and mechanisms, breaks through the barriers of thinking, and solidifies interests. Furthermore, it also adheres to the basic principles of scientific socialism to ensure that reforms always advance along the direction and path of socialism. This is a Marxist view of reform that has been proven correct in practice. Another view advocates reforms that are not socialist in nature. It uses the name of reform and the banner of “reform” to fundamentally deny the fundamental and basic systems of socialism and transplant the capitalist social system. This ultimately realizes the capitalization of the country, and Gorbachev’s reforms can be categorized as such.
围绕改革问题，历来存在两种不同的改革观:一种是把改革看作社会主义制度的自我完善和发展，把坚持社会主义根本制度、基本制度与完善不适应生产力发展要求的具体制度有机统一起来，既把改革视为一场根除体制机制弊端和突破思维、利益固化藩篱的革命性变革，又坚持科学社会主义基本原则，保证改革始终沿着社会主义方向和道路前进。这是在实践中被证明为正确的马克思主义改革观。另一种改革观主张本质上不属于社会主义性质的改革，它是借改革之名，打着 “改革” 旗号，根本否定社会主义根本制度、基本制度，把资本主义的那一套社会制度移植过来，实现国家的资本主义化，戈尔巴乔夫的改革就属于这种类型。
Throughout the history of the Soviet Union, if it is said that reforms began with Khrushchev, then from Khrushchev to before Gorbachev came to power, on the one hand, the leading group of the CPSU began to deviate ideologically and politically from the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism and the fundamental and basic systems of socialism. On the other hand, only some repair measures had been taken under the original institutional mechanisms. However, from Gorbachev’s tenure as the supreme leader to the disintegration of the Soviet Union, so-called “reforms” that completely negated the socialist system and deviated from the principles of scientific socialism were implemented, pointing the finger at the socialist system itself and fundamentally denying the fundamental and basic systems of socialism.
Judging from the lessons of the CPSU, on the issue of reform, we must neither follow the old path of a rigid closed-door policy, nor an erroneous path by abandoning socialism. Specifically, it is particularly crucial not to take an erroneous path of abandoning socialism and avoid making subversive mistakes. Since the 18th Party Congress, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core has emphasized that our country’s reform has a firm and correct political direction, stance and principles. The core is to uphold and improve the party’s leadership, and uphold and improve the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, emphasizing that we must strengthen political determination, stick to political principles and bottom lines, and must not turn reform into a “reversal” or a change of the socialist system. These important conclusions are completely correct.
(7) Attaching great importance to ideological work, counteracting various non-Marxist and anti-Marxist thought trends in a timely manner, and always maintaining the revolutionary, advanced and pure nature of the party in terms of ideological and political theory
Throughout the over 70 years of history of Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union, the ideological work of the CPSU underwent a process of evolution and transformation. During Lenin’s period, he insisted on taking Marxism as the guide, established the principles, guidelines, and theoretical guidance of ideological work for the Bolshevik Party in the long-term revolutionary practice, and created a precedent for Marxist ideological work. The ideological work during the Stalin period had both major achievements and deviations, but the direction generally was correct, and Marxism-Leninism was upheld and developed. During the period of Lenin and Stalin, the CPSU’s criticism and political reckoning of various anti-Marxist ideological trends were resolute and thorough, enabling the Party to consciously resist the erosion of various bourgeois ideological trends for a long historical period. In particular, its understanding of the nature of democratic socialism and its predecessor, social democracy, was profound and sober. This is obviously directly related to Lenin and Stalin’s long-term insistence on resolute struggle with the right wing of the Second International.
Starting from Khrushchev, the ideological work of the CPSU had strayed farther and farther away from Marxism, and various non-Marxist and anti-Marxist ideological trends in the Soviet Union had begun to revive. In addition, we must also see that after World War II, the confrontation and struggle between the two fundamentally different social systems of capitalism and socialism and the two major classes of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat have eased worldwide. At that time, the popular democratic socialism and Western bourgeois thought took advantage of Khrushchev’s revolt against Stalin and the anti-communist wave caused by the Hungarian and Poznan incidents to expand their influence.
During the Khrushchev period, “humanism” appeared in CPSU, and the Marxist beliefs of Party members were greatly impacted. At that time, some Eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and other “new Marxist” factions emerged. These factions denied Leninism and the principles of scientific socialism in the name of getting rid of the shackles of “traditional Marxism.” Socialists in Western European countries held high the banner of democratic socialism to serve the needs of imperialism in promoting the strategy of peaceful evolution to socialist states. It was in this international environment that Khrushchev’s ideas of “humanism” and “three harmonies” and “two completeness” were formed. This erroneous thought trend had not been corrected in the CPSU for a long time, so that it evolved into the so-called “humane and democratic socialist” reform. After Brezhnev’s formalist governance, various erroneous thought trends continued unabatedly, greatly affecting the ideological purity of the CPSU and forming a hotbed for breeding anti-Marxist thoughts within the Party. During the Gorbachev period, the leading group of the CPSU embarked on the erroneous path of completely and utterly negating Marxism-Leninism, and various erroneous thought trends permeated far and wide.
赫鲁晓夫时期，苏共党内出现 “人道主义化”，党员的马克思主义信念受到极大冲击。当时，东欧一些国家如波兰、匈牙利、捷克斯洛伐克、南斯拉夫等出现 “新马克思主义” 派别，这些派别以摆脱 “传统马克思主义” 束缚之名，否定列宁主义，否定科学社会主义原则。西欧各国的社会党人高举民主社会主义旗帜，服务帝国主义向社会主义国家推行和平演变战略的需要。赫鲁晓夫的 “人道主义” 以及 “三和” “两全” 思想就是在这种国际环境中形成的。这股错误思潮在苏共党内长期得不到纠正，以至于演变成所谓的 “人道的、民主的社会主义” 改革。经过勃列日涅夫形式主义的治理，各种错误思潮有增无减，使苏共思想上的纯洁性受到很大影响，党内形成了滋生反马克思主义思潮的温床。到了戈尔巴乔夫时期，苏共领导集团则走上全面彻底否定马克思列宁主义的错误道路，各种错误思潮严重泛滥。
Gorbachev abandoned the law of human social development revealed by historical materialism, copied the bourgeois abstract theory of human nature to analyze the problems existing in Soviet society, believed that Soviet socialism did not conform to so-called humanity, and even destroyed the so-called humanity, “castrating the humanity of the socialist structure.” He also misinterpreted the assertion in the Communist Manifesto that “the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all,” believing that it is a “humanist program” that embodies “great humanist principles.” He also regarded humanism as the essential requirement of a socialist society, as the goal and task of socialist reform, and as the goal of the Communists, completely falling into the historical quagmire of idealism.
戈尔巴乔夫抛弃唯物史观揭示的人类社会发展规律，照搬资产阶级的抽象人性论分析苏联社会中存在的问题，认为苏联的社会主义不符合所谓人性，甚至摧残所谓的人性， “阉割了社会主义结构的人道本质”。他还曲解 《共产党宣言》关于 “每个人的自由发展是一切人的自由发展的条件” 这一论断，认为这是一个 “人道主义的纲领”，体现了 “伟大的人道主义原则”。他还把人道主义视为社会主义社会的本质要求，视为社会主义改革的目标与任务，视为共产党人的奋斗目标，这就完全陷入唯心史观的泥潭。
“Humanism,” as a banner of the bourgeoisie against feudal autocracy and theological rule, has progressive significance in history, but what the bourgeoisie calls humans and humanity are abstract humans and abstract humanity. They are so-called “natural and eternal” things without class attributes and are so-called “standards and measures for measuring everything including human history.” Attributing the driving force of historical development and social progress to human kindness or human rationality is a typical manifestation of the idealist view of history. The abstract theory of human nature could neither clearly see the essence of Soviet social problems nor the law of human social development, which made the CPSU lose its way and also caused the disappearance of the revolutionary, advanced, and pure nature of the Marxist party.
“人道主义” 作为资产阶级反对封建专制与神学统治的一面旗帜，在历史上有其进步意义，但资产阶级所说的人和人性，是抽象的人、抽象的人性，是不具有阶级属性的所谓的 “自然而永恒” 的东西，是所谓 “衡量一切包括人类历史的标准与尺度”。把历史发展和社会进步的动力归于人类的善良天性或者人类的理性，这是唯心史观的典型表现。抽象的人性论既看不清苏联社会问题的本质，也看不清人类社会发展规律，使苏共迷失了前进方向，也使马克思主义政党的革命性、先进性和纯洁性荡然无存。
History has proved that the Chinese Communists, mainly represented by Comrade Deng Xiaoping, launched a clear-cut struggle to eliminate spiritual pollution in the early 1980s, and it was completely correct to criticize the abstract theory of human nature and abstract humanism This has played a huge role in getting China out of the negative impact of the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, promoting China’s reforms in the right direction.
历史证明，以邓小平同志为主要代表的中国共产党人在 20世纪 80年代初，旗帜鲜明地开展清除精神污染的斗争，批判抽象的人性论和抽象的人道主义是完全正确的。这对于我国摆脱苏联解体、东欧剧变的消极影响，推动我国改革沿着正确方向前进，发挥了巨大作用。
The lessons of the collapse of the Soviet Union’s Party and state show that the most important thing in ideological work is to prevent erroneous things from happening and prevent problems before they can happen. If Marxism does not occupy the ideological position, non-Marxist and anti-Marxist trends of thought will inevitably occupy it. Socialist states must attach great importance to ideological work and firmly grasp the leadership of ideological work. We must unswervingly adhere to the guiding position of Marxism, strengthen the ideological and theoretical construction of the party, and persevere in tempering the cultivation of party spirit. We must fight resolutely against all anti-Marxist trends of thought so that ideological and public opinion positions are firmly in the hands of Marxists.
Social existence determines social consciousness. As long as capitalist private ownership still exists, the social foundations of various non-Marxist and anti-Marxist ideological trends based on private ownership will always exist. History shows that the struggle between Marxism and non-Marxism and anti-Marxism is long-term, and communists must remain vigilant.
The Chinese Communist Party has always attached great importance to and worked hard to carry out ideological construction, especially since the 18th Party Congress. The Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core emphasizes the extreme importance of ideological work and calls on the entire Party to fully understand the long-term nature, arduousness, and complexity of ideological work, firmly grasp the leadership of ideological work, carry forward the spirit of struggle, and improve the ability to fight. The Party must build a socialist ideology with strong cohesion and leadership in order to constantly win new victories in the great struggle of the new era. These major judgments and decisions are wise and correct.
(8) Unswervingly adhering to the Party’s absolute leadership over the military and never breaking our resolve so as to not become fish under the knife of reactionary forces
Since its inception, the Soviet Red Army followed Lenin’s principles of army building, established the absolute leadership of the CPSU over the Red Army, and firmly held the proletarian army in the hands of the proletarian Party. The experience and lessons of the history of the international communist movement have repeatedly proved that it is extremely important to uphold the fundamental principles and systems of the party’s absolute leadership over the military and to put ideological and political construction at the top of all military constructions. During the Soviet Union’s “August 19” incident in 1991, the airborne troops and the KGB Alpha action group ordered to enter Moscow refused to implement the orders of their superiors, turned their guns, and supported the “pro-democracy” Yeltsin. At the critical moment of the country’s life and death, the army created by the CPSU not only failed to fulfill its mission and responsibility but turned on the Party, accelerating the collapse of the CPSU and the state. In the name of the so-called “nationalization of the military” and “non-partyization of the military,” the CPSU completely gave up its leadership over the military.
苏联红军自创立起，就遵循列宁的建军原则，确立了苏共对红军的绝对领导，将无产阶级的军队牢牢掌握在无产阶级政党手中。国际共产主义运动历史的经验和教训一再证明，坚持党对军队绝对领导的根本原则和制度，坚持把思想政治建设摆在军队各项建设首位，具有极端重要性。 1991年苏联 “8·19” 事件中，奉命进入莫斯科的空降兵部队、克格勃 “阿尔法” 行动小组拒绝执行上级命令，调转枪口，支持 “民主纲领派” 的叶利钦。在国家面临生死存亡的关键时刻，苏共自己缔造的军队非但不履行自己的使命责任，反而临阵倒戈，加速了苏共的崩溃和国家的瓦解，究其根本原因是戈尔巴乔夫以 “改革” 为名，搞所谓 “军队国家化” “军队非党化”的恶果，使苏共彻底放弃了对军队的领导权。
Ideologically, Gorbachev tried his best to promote the “depoliticization,” “non-partyization,” and “nationalization” of the military. In essence, he transferred the supreme command of the army from the Central Committee of the CPSU to the President of the Soviet Union. Politically, the General Political Department of the army was abolished, political organs at all levels of the army were cut down, tens of thousands of officers were removed, and the political review system for officer promotion was abolished, so that the loyalty and reliability of the army to the Party and the state rapidly declined. In addition, the Supplementary Law on the Establishment of the President of the Soviet Union and the Amendment to the Constitution of the Soviet Union (Fundamental Law) enacted in March 1990 legally deprived the CPSU of its supreme power to lead and command the Soviet army.
在思想上，戈尔巴乔夫极力宣扬军队 “非政治化” “非党化” 和军队 “国家化”，其实质是把领导军队的最高指挥权由苏共中央转移到苏联总统那里。在政治上，撤销了军队总政治部，削减了军队各级政治机关，裁减了数万余名军官，取消了军官晋升的政治审查制度，使军队对党和国家的忠诚度、可靠性迅速下降。此外，1990年 3月制定的 《关于设立苏联总统和苏联宪法 (根本法)修改补充法》，从法律上剥夺了苏共领导和指挥苏联军队的最高权力。
In order to wrest the power to lead the army from the hands of the CPSU, the trend of historical nihilism in the Soviet Union became more widespread and began to foment public opinion aimed at subverting the state, pointing the finger of negation at the Soviet army and Soviet heroes. Anti-Soviet and anti-communist newspapers and extremist forces exclusively exposed and criticized the so-called problems of the Soviet army and blamed the consequences of Gorbachev’s wrong reforms on the army. It was the result of the “monster” of the Soviet army sucking up the blood and sweat of the country. It became fashionable to slander Soviet soldiers and deny the history of the Soviet army. Zoya (Зоя Космодемьянская), Matrosov (Александр Матросов), Klochkov (Федор Крючков), the Young Guards, and other Soviet national heroes and hero groups were slandered. The Soviet army became an accomplice of the “fascist regime,” and the victory in the Great Patriotic War was nothing more than the defeat of the “little fascist” in Germany by the “big fascist” of the Soviet Union. On November 14, 1990, Marshal Akhromeyev (Сергей Ахромеев) of the Soviet Union published an article in Soviet Russia, pointing out that since the middle of that year, all anti-military activities ceased to be local issues. Separatist and anti-socialist forces combined a policy of discrediting the military with crowding out the Communist Party and sparked mass unrest calling for the resignation of the government.
为达到把领导军队的权力从苏共手中夺出来的目的，苏联的历史虚无主义思潮更加泛滥，开始制造旨在颠覆国家的舆论，将否定的矛头指向苏联军队和苏联英雄。反苏反共报刊和极端势力专门揭露和抨击苏军的所谓问题，把因戈尔巴乔夫错误改革造成的后果嫁祸给军队，苏军成了苏联同其他国家关系紧张的 “罪人”，而经济衰退是苏军这只 “怪兽” 吸干了国家血汗的结果。诋毁苏联军人、否定苏军历史成为时髦。卓娅 (Зоя Космодемьянская)、马特洛索夫 (Александр Матросов)、克洛奇科夫 (Федор Крючков)、青年近卫军等苏联国家英雄和英雄团体遭到污蔑。苏军成了 “法西斯政权” 的帮凶，卫国战争胜利不过是苏联这个 “大法西斯” 打败了德国这个 “小法西斯”。1990年 11月 14日，苏联元帅阿赫罗梅耶夫 (Сергей Ахромеев) 在 《苏维埃俄罗斯报》发表文章指出，整个反军活动从今年年中起就已不再是局部问题了。分离主义和反社会主义势力把败坏军队名誉的方针同排挤共产党的做法结合起来，并搞起要求政府辞职的大规模动乱。
It was not just Zoya, a hero, who was tainted by lies at that time. Hostile forces at home and abroad in the Soviet Union slandered and insulted almost all heroes the Soviet people were proud of, such as Private Alexander Matveyevich Matrosov (Александр Матвеевич Матросов) of the Soviet Guards. On February 23, 1943, during the battle for the village of Chernushki, near Velikiye Luki, in the Pskov Oblast, he used his unyielding chest to block the machine gun slot of a German pillbox. Matrosov dedicated his precious life at the age of 19 to the victory. On June 19, 1943, he was posthumously recognized as a “Hero of the Soviet Union.” Nine years later, a Matrosov-style hero also appeared on the Korean battlefield—Huang Jiguang, a special hero of the Chinese People’s Volunteers. However, this “Huang Jiguang of the Soviet Union” was vilified during the Gorbachev period as a “juvenile delinquent” and a “prisoner soldier” who went to the front line from exile in a gulag. The rumormongers also slanderously claimed that Matrosov was short and thin. As the German machine gun has a caliber of 40mm and as multiple machine guns were likely used in a pillbox slot that was one and a half meters wide, it would have been impossible for him to block the slot. Even the testimony of Tajirov (Хамза Тагиров), a comrade-in-arms who witnessed Matrosov’s death, was questioned, claiming his memory was unreliable. How similar are these statements to the rumors around slandered Huang Jiguang that once appeared in our country! It is simply that since the 18th Party Congress, these historical nihilist heresies have been all but run out of town. At the same time, China has also made legislation to safeguard the reputation of heroes, severely punishing any tarnishing of the people’s heroes and models.
当时被谎言玷污的绝不仅仅是卓娅一位英雄。苏联国内外敌对势力对苏联人民引以为傲的几乎所有英雄人物都进行了诽谤和侮辱，如苏联近卫军列兵亚历山大·马特维耶维奇·马特洛索夫 (Александр Матвеевич Матросов) ，1943 年 2 月 23 日在普斯科夫州大卢基城下争夺切尔努什卡村的战斗中，他用自己不屈的胸膛堵住了从德军碉堡向外喷射着火舌的机枪眼。马特洛索夫为胜利奉献了年仅 19 岁的宝贵生命。1943年6月19日，他被追认为 “苏联英雄”。 时隔 9年后在朝鲜战场也出现了马特洛索夫式的英雄———中国人民志愿军特等功臣、特级英雄黄继光。然而这位 “苏联的黄继光”在戈尔巴乔夫时期却被丑化成 “少年犯”、从古拉格流放地走上前线的 “囚犯军人”。造谣者还污蔑说: 马特洛索夫身材矮小瘦弱，德军机枪口径达 40毫米，且有多挺机枪射击，射击孔宽度达一米半，他不可能挡住枪眼。就连目睹马特洛索夫牺牲的战友塔吉罗夫 (Хамза Тагиров) 的证词也遭受质疑，认为其记忆靠不住。这些说法和我国一度出现的污蔑黄继光的流言蜚语何其相似! 只不过这些历史虚无主义的邪说，自党的十八大以来已经被广大群众批得如过街老鼠。同时，我国也作出了维护英雄声誉的立法，严惩对人民英雄模范的玷污行为。
A society that denies heroes is destined to have no future. Such a torrent of lies not only disturbed public opinion and confused the masses, but it deprived the 5 million Soviet troops of all former glory and deprived the Soviet people of their strong backing to defend their regime. Moreover, as a result, the CPSU, which had nearly 20 million Party members, and the Soviet Union, which had a history of more than 70 years, were pushed towards disintegration. The ultimate fate of the powerful Soviet army is embarrassing, and the historical mirror is worth remembering forever.
一个否定了英雄的社会，注定是没有前途的。如过江之鲫的谎言，不仅搅乱了舆论，混淆了视听，使 500万苏联军队丧失昔日的一切荣光，使苏联人民丧失保卫自己政权的坚强后盾，而且也使拥有近 2000万党员的苏共与 70余年历史的苏俄和苏联一起走向瓦解。强大苏军的最终命运让人唏嘘不已，历史镜鉴值得我们永远牢记。
(9) We must be highly vigilant against the Western strategy of peaceful evolution, and we must not allow the fifth column to run amok in our country or even within the Party, especially within the Party’s leadership. Otherwise, an overthrow of the Party and the state will become inevitable.
(九) 要高度警惕西方和平演变战略，决不能让第五纵队在国内甚至党内横行无忌尤其是在党的领导集团中出现 “鸠占鹊巢” 之现象，否则党和国家的倾覆将成为必然
“Peaceful evolution” is a strategic idea put forward by brothers John and Allen Dulles for the U.S. government to “contain” socialist states from 1953 to 1961. As World War II was drawing to a close in 1945, Allen Dulles, then a senior U.S. intelligence official, outlined in detail how the Soviet Union would evolve through peaceful means: “The war will be over. Everything will be settled down and put in order. We shall spend everything we have (all gold, all economic power and resources) on duping and fooling people.” “Human brains and consciences can be changed. Having wreaked havoc there, we will insensibly replace people’s values with false ones…” “We will find like-minded people—allies and supporters—in Russia itself.” “We shall insensibly, but actively and constantly, promote abuse of power by state officials, bribe taking, and unscrupulousness.” “We shall gradually exterminate the social substance in literature and art.” “We shall smartly and insensibly cultivate and all of this will thrive… And only a few, a very few people will guess and understand what is happening. But we shall put those people in a helpless position, make a mockery of them, find ways to belie them and declare them to be the scum of society.”6 January 15, 1953, U.S. Secretary of State John Dulles claimed that the way to destroy socialism’s threat to the free world must be, and could be, peaceful. Those who do not believe that mental pressure and propaganda pressure can have an effect are too ignorant.
“和平演变” 是约翰·杜勒斯 (John Dulles) 和艾伦· 杜勒斯 (Allen Dulles) 兄弟二人在1953年 ～ 1961年为美国政府 “遏制” 社会主义国家提出的战略思想。1945年第二次世界大战即将结束之际，时任美国情报部门高级官员的艾伦·杜勒斯详细勾勒出如何用和平办法促使苏联演变:“战争将要结束，一切都会有办法弄妥，都会安排好。我们将倾其所有，拿出所有的黄金，全部物质力量，把人们塑造成我们需要的样子，让他们听我们的。” “人的脑子，人的意识，是会变的。只要把脑子弄乱，我们就能不知不觉改变人们的价值观念。” “我们一定要在俄罗斯内部找到同意我们思想意识的人，找到我们的同盟军。” “我们将不知不觉地，但积极地和经常不断地促进官员们的恣意妄为，让他们贪贿无度，丧失原则。”“我们将从文学和艺术中逐渐抹去他们的社会存在。”“我们将以高超的手法，在不知不觉间把这一切都神圣化，让它绽放出绚丽之花……只有少数人，极少数人，才能感觉到或者认识到究竟发生了什么。但是我们会把这些人置于孤立无援的境地，把他们变成众人耻笑的对象;我们会找到毁谤他们的方法，宣布他们是社会渣滓。”1953年 1月 15日美国国务卿约翰·杜勒斯声称，要摧垮社会主义对自由世界的威胁必须是而且可能是和平的方法。那些不相信精神的压力、宣传的压力能产生效果的人太无知了。
Western hostile forces pursued a strategy of peaceful evolution against the Soviet Union, first of all by cultivating a strong internal Western force among the leadership of the Soviet Party and state at all levels and all walks of life, especially within senior leadership. This is commonly known as the “fifth column.”7 The West used cultural exchanges, economic activities, and personnel exchanges to infiltrate ideas and cultures, fostering spokesmen of the West in the USSR. Primarily through extensive recruitment of experts and scholars from various disciplines, the West used means such as propaganda, mutual visits, reconnaissance, and espionage to conduct large-scale psychological warfare. Through solidarity and bribery, they supported Soviet dissidents. Taking advantage of ethnic conflicts, they created ethnic divisions and incited dissatisfaction in Soviet society. By spreading political rumors and vilifying the images of Soviet leaders such as Lenin and Stalin, they incited resentment and hatred of the Soviet system in the masses and kindled a yearning for Western society.
In September 1956, the U.S. government decided to take advantage of Khrushchev’s advocacy of “peaceful coexistence” between socialism and capitalism to encourage “large-scale people-to-people exchanges” between the Soviet Union and the United States and proposed inviting 10,000 Soviet college students to the United States, all expenses for which were borne by the U.S. government. This was in the hopes that, one day, this group of people cultivated by the United States would take power in the Soviet Union. Later, facts proved that the Americans did not waste their efforts. By attracting a large number of Soviet young people to study in the United States, the United States carried out anti-communist propaganda on them and cultivated a group of anti-communist, anti-socialist, pro-American, pro-Western forces. Yakovlev was one such subject. According to Kryuchkov (Владимир Крючков), the former chairman of the National Security Council of the Soviet Union, Yakovlev was bought by the U.S. Secret Service during his studies at Columbia University in the United States in 1960 and received instructions from the United States during the “reform” period of the Soviet Union.
1956年 9月，美国政府决定利用赫鲁晓夫倡导社会主义同资本主义 “和平共处” 之机，鼓动苏美间进行 “大规模人民对人民的交流”，主张邀请一万名苏联大学生到美国留学，费用全部由美国政府负担。其寄希望有朝一日，美国培植的这一批人在苏联掌权。后来的事实证明，美国人没有白费苦心。美国通过吸引大量苏联年轻人赴美留学等方式，对他们进行反共宣传，培养出一批亲美亲西方的反共反社会主义力量。雅科夫列夫就是其中的一位典型代表。据原苏联国家安全委员会主席克留奇科夫 (Владимир Крючков) 披露，雅科夫列夫 1960年在美国哥伦比亚大学进修期间被美国特工机关收买并在苏联 “改革” 期间接受过美国方面的指示。
The West also used its own Nobel Prize, various foundations, and various non-governmental organizations to influence and dominate intellectual groups in Soviet society, cultivate pro-Western “intellectual elites,” and let them promote Western ideology and values. The Nobel Prize for Literature, the Peace Prize, and the Prize for Economics, all have distinct Western ideological overtones. The Soviet Union has won 5 Nobel Prizes in Literature and 2 Nobel Peace Prizes. In addition to the famous Soviet writer Sholokhov (Михаил Шолохов), who won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1965 and is the author of And Quiet Flows the Don, the works of the other four winners are all famous for denying and vilifying the October Revolution and the Stalin period, the most famous of which is Solzhenitsyn (Александр Солженицын), known for writing The Gulag Archipelago. One of the two Peace prizes was awarded to the famous Soviet “dissident” and scientist Sakharov (Андрей Сахаров), who had been engaged in anti-Soviet and anti-communist political activities since the 1970s. His award in 1975 came from Western affirmation of his political activities. Another Nobel Peace Prize was given to Gorbachev in 1990 for his “outstanding contribution” to the disintegration of the Soviet Communist Party and the promotion of “democracy” in Eastern Europe. At this point, the black hand manipulating the Nobel Prize was exposed.
西方还利用自己把持的诺贝尔奖、各种基金会以及各种非政府组织，影响并主导苏联社会的知识分子群体，培植亲西方的 “知识精英”，让他们宣传西方的思想理论和价值观。诺贝尔文学奖、和平奖包括经济学奖，都带有鲜明的西方意识形态色彩。苏联一共获得 5次诺贝尔文学奖、 2次诺贝尔和平奖。获得诺贝尔文学奖的除了 1965年获奖的苏联著名作家、《静静的顿河》作者肖洛霍夫 (Михаил Шолохов) 外，其余 4位获奖者的作品都以否定和丑化十月革命、斯大林时期而著称，最有名的就是以撰写 《古拉格群岛》闻名的索尔仁尼琴 (Александр Солженицын)。两个和平奖一个奖给了苏联著名 “持不同政见者”、科学家萨哈罗夫 (Андрей Сахаров)，此人从 20世纪 70年代起从事反苏反共政治活动，他在 1975年的获奖源自西方对其政治活动的肯定。另一个和平奖在 1990年给了戈尔巴乔夫，奖励他在瓦解苏共及推动东欧 “民主” 方面作出的 “杰出贡献”。至此，暗箱操作 “诺贝尔奖” 的黑手终于暴露出来了。
Western non-governmental organizations also played an important role in disintegrating the ideology of the Soviet Communist Party and promoting the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The representative of neoliberalism known for his anti-communist and anti-Marxist beliefs ——British economist and political scientist Friedrich Hayek—— with the help of the British consortium, used the Monteplee Foundation to actively participate in the ideological infiltration of the Soviet Union by the West and focused on funding a group of Soviet scholars to study in the West, including Gaidar (Егор Гайдар) and Chubais (Анатолий Чубайс). Under the influence of the Hayek and Monteplee Foundations, Gaidar and Chubais tried their best to spread neoliberal ideas in the Soviet Union and Russia and promoted “shock therapy” based on neoliberalism, which became the leading cause and major driver of the collapse of the Soviet and Russian economies.
西方非政府组织在瓦解苏共意识形态、推动苏联解体方面也发挥了重要作用。以反共、反马克思主义著称的新自由主义代表人物———英国经济学家、政治学家哈耶克 (Friedrich Hayek) ，在英国财团资助下利用蒙特普列基金会，在 20 世纪 80 年代积极参与西方对苏联的思想渗透，重点资助一批苏联学者到西方进修，其中包括盖达尔 (Егор Гайдар) 、丘拜斯 (Анатолий Чубайс) 。在哈耶克和蒙特普列基金会影响下，盖达尔、丘拜斯极力在苏联和俄罗斯传播新自由主义思想，推行以新自由主义为理论基础的 “休克疗法”，成为导致苏联经济和俄罗斯经济崩溃的重要推手。
Soros, the founder of the Open Society Foundations of the United States, established the Soviet Soros Foundation in Moscow in 1987, actively funding anti-Soviet and anti-communist liberals to engage in political activities for the disintegration of the Soviet Union, such as the famous “dissident” and historian Yuri Afanasyev (Юрий Афанасьев). In addition, the Soros Foundation also funded a working group composed of Yavlinsky (Григорий Явлинский) and others in 1990 to formulate the Soviet Union’s transition plan to a free market economy (the “500-day Plan”). The foundation also funded a large number of journalists and TV anchors, trained a group of so-called independent TV media experts, acted as anti-Soviet and anti-communist mouthpieces, and actively engaged in anti-Soviet and anti-communist activities.
美国开放社会基金创始人索罗斯于 1987年在莫斯科建立了苏联索罗斯基金会，积极资助反苏反共的自由派分子从事解体苏联的政治活动，比如著名的 “持不同政见者”、历史学家尤里·阿法纳西耶夫 (Юрий Афанасьев)。除此之外，索罗斯基金会还在 1990年资助由亚夫林斯基 (Григорий Явлинский) 等人组成的旨在制定苏联向自由市场经济过渡方案 (“500天计划”)的工作小组。该基金会还资助大量新闻记者和电视主播，培养了一批所谓独立的电视媒体专家，充当反苏反共的喉舌，积极从事反苏反共活动。
The West, led by the United States, paid special attention to seeking and cultivating agents at all levels of the Soviet Union’s leadership. Freemasonry, a mysterious organization in the West, also played an important catalytic role in promoting the disintegration of the Soviet Union. According to Russian historian Platonov (Олег Платонов) in the book Russia’s Crown of Thorns: The Secret History of Freemasonry 1731-1996, from 1945 to 1994, more than 400 senior party and government officials in the former Soviet system joined Freemasonry or international organizations affiliated to Freemasonry (such as the Petersburg Club, Great Europe Committee, and International Russia clubs). Among them were Gorbachev, Yakovlev, Shevardnadze, Yeltsin and other senior leaders of the CPSU.8
以美国为首的西方尤为重视在苏联各级领导层寻求培植代理人。西方的神秘组织共济会在推动苏联解体过程中也发挥了重要的催化作用。据俄罗斯历史学家普拉托诺夫 (Олег Платонов) 在《俄罗斯荆棘之冠: 共济会历史 (1731 ～ 1995) 》一书中揭露，自 1945 年至 1994 年，原苏联体制内约有 400 名以上的党政高级官员加入共济会或隶属共济会的国际组织(如 “彼得伯格俱乐部” “大欧洲” 委员会、 “国际俄罗斯俱乐部” 等)，其中包括戈尔巴乔夫、雅科夫列夫、谢瓦尔德纳泽、叶利钦等苏共高层领导人。
As the general secretary of a major power and Party like the Soviet Union, he should have been a firm and sober Marxist-Leninist who wholeheartedly served the vast majority of people in his country and the world, that is, “have no self and live up to the people.” The strange phenomenon of “doves occupying magpie’s nests” gradually appeared in key and important positions, and they were controlled by degenerate elements in the Party and traitors of the communist cause. The emergence of this peculiar phenomenon, of course, has extremely complicated domestic and internal reasons within the Party, but it is also directly related to extremely complicated international factors. Many conclusive materials prove that the reason why Gorbachev, who had completely lost his communist beliefs, was elected as the general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was closely related to the induction and support of Western forces headed by the United States. A well-known Soviet dissident Alexander Zinoviev (Александр Зиновьев) stated that around 1979 he had a conversation with a British intelligence officer who told him: “Soon they (that is, the Western powers) will put their own people on the throne of the Soviet Union.”9 Although the staff member did not mention Gorbachev’s name, Zinoviev concluded from this that the prophecy was prescient. As early as 1983, the CIA had a lot of information about Gorbachev, which convinced the U.S. Secret Service that “it could use him to serve its own political interests.”10 Since then, the West, led by the United States, tried many times to establish a secret relationship with Gorbachev and regarded him as the best candidate for the leadership of the CPSU. Mrs. Thatcher also said bluntly: “We made Gorbachev the general secretary.”11 Some commentators believe that London approved Gorbachev’s election as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee before Moscow. In fact, when he was studying at Moscow State University in 1953, Gorbachev became good friends with Czech student Zdenek Mlinaz (Зденек Млынарж). However, Zdenek was a “dissident” that the United States had worked hard to cultivate in the Czech Republic. Zdenek served as Secretary of the Central Committee of the Czech Communist Party and a member of the Presidium in 1968. He was one of the leaders of the Prague Spring and was expelled from the Party in 1970. In 1977, Zdenek and 240 other Czechoslovakian intellectuals and people from other fields and classes signed and issued the Charter 77 declaration demanding the protection of the so-called basic human rights, launching a campaign against the so-called Stalinist autocratic rule. Gorbachev apparently had little contact with Zdenek, but Gorbachev’s biographer Grachev (Андрей Грачев) quoted Gorbachev in 1994 to Komsomolskaya Pravda: “Zdenek is my closest friend, closer than anyone.” Gorbachev also confirmed in 2002: “I have a friend named Zdenek Mlinaz, and we maintained friendly relations until the last moments of his life.” Immediately after being elected general secretary, Gorbachev invited Zdenek to Moscow, but the meeting with him was kept private.12
作为苏联这样大国大党的总书记，本应是全心全意为本国和世界的绝大多数人服务亦即 “我将无我，不负人民” 的坚定清醒的马克思列宁主义者，但十分可惜，这样关键重要的岗位，却逐渐出现 “鸠占鹊巢” 这一奇特的现象，被党内的蜕化变质分子和共产主义事业的叛徒所把持。这一奇特现象的出现，当然有极其复杂的党内国内原因，但与极其复杂的国际因素亦有着直接的关联。很多确凿材料证明，戈尔巴乔夫这样一个完全丧失了共产主义信仰的人之所以能够当选苏共中央总书记，与以美国为首的西方势力的诱导和扶植密切相关。苏联著名持不同政见者亚·季诺维也夫 (Александр Зиновьев) 称，1979年左右他曾与英国情报机构的某工作人员交谈，该工作人员告诉他:“很快他们(即西方势力)将把自己的人安排在苏联的王位。” 尽管这个工作人员并没有提及戈尔巴乔夫的名字，但季诺维也夫据此作出结论:这一预言有先见之明。早在 1983年之前，美国中央情报局就掌握了关于戈尔巴乔夫的很多情报，这些情报使美国特工部门相信，“可以利用他为自己的政治利益服务”。此后，以美国为首的西方多次试图与戈尔巴乔夫建立秘密联系，并将他视为苏共领导人的最佳人选。撒切尔夫人也曾直言不讳:“是我们让戈尔巴乔夫成为总书记。” 有评论认为，伦敦先于莫斯科批准了戈尔巴乔夫当选苏共中央总书记。其实，1953年在莫斯科大学学习时，戈尔巴乔夫就与捷克留学生兹德涅克·姆林纳日 (Зденек Млынарж) 成了好朋友。而兹德涅克却是美国在捷克早就着力培养的 “持不同政见者”。兹德涅克 1968年任捷共中央委员会书记和主席团成员，是 “布拉格之春” 的领袖之一， 1970年被开除出党。1977年，兹德涅克还与其他 240位捷克斯洛伐克的知识分子及其他界别、阶层的人士签署并发布了要求保护所谓基本人权的宣言 《七七宪章》，对所谓斯大林主义的专制统治发起挑战。戈尔巴乔夫表面上与兹德涅克基本没有联系，但戈尔巴乔夫传记的作者格拉乔夫(Андрей Грачев)曾引用戈尔巴乔夫 1994年对 《共青团真理报》所说的话:“兹德涅克是我最亲密的朋友，比任何人都更亲密。”2002年戈尔巴乔夫还证实:“我有一个朋友叫兹德涅克·姆林纳日，直到他生命的最后时刻，我们都保持着友好关系。” 当选总书记之后，戈尔巴乔夫立即邀请兹德涅克赴莫斯科，但与他的会见却不公开。
Allen Dulles, a senior CIA official, acknowledged in his book The Craft of Intelligence published in the mid-1960s that Western intelligence agencies kept tabs on socialist states “with communist party members at every level, from the top down to the grassroots, carefully archiving and detailing their activities and speeches as well as the relevant circumstances of their personal and social lives.” Soviet KGB General Sidorenko (Андрей Сидоренко) recalled: “In the mid-1960s, the KGB got the first information from its sources about the move of the CIA and other American intelligence agencies to recruit so-called agents of interest.” “The purpose of recruiting these agents of interest was to use them in the future, that is, to expect that at an unknown moment in the future, they would be able to be promoted to Party and state organs, influential social institutions, and the Soviet army and then work there.”13 Russian historian Ostrovsky (Александр Островский) proposed in the book Who Supported Gorbachev? that, “Gorbachev’s name appeared on the CIA profile card no later than 1968, when he was the second secretary of the Stavropol Krai Party Committee.”14
美国中情局高官艾伦·杜勒斯在 20世纪 60年代中期出版的 《间谍艺术》一书中承认，西方情报机构密切关注着社会主义国家 “各个级别的共产党员，从最高层到基层，认真建立档案卷宗，详细记录他们的活动和讲话，个人和社会生活的有关情况”。苏联克格勃将军西多连科 (Андрей Сидоренко) 回忆说: “20 世纪 60 年代中期，克格勃从其消息来源得到了关于中央情报局和美国其他特工机构转入招募所谓利益代理人的第一份情报。”“而招募这些利益代理人，是为了在将来使用，即指望在今后的某一未知的时刻，他们能够晋升到党和国家机关、有影响的社会机构以及苏联军队，并在那里工作。” 俄罗斯历史学家奥斯特罗夫斯基(Александр Островский)在《谁扶持了戈尔巴乔夫?》一书中提出:“戈尔巴乔夫的姓名出现在中央情报局人物资料卡片的时间，不会晚于 1968年，当时他任斯塔夫罗波尔边疆区党委第二书记。”
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, CIA Director Robert Gates took a proud walk in Moscow’s Red Square and said: “We know that neither economic pressure nor an arms race can bring it down, even by force. It can only be destroyed by an internal implosion.”15 Former USSR Council of Ministers Nikolai Ryzhkov said: “If it were not for the “fifth column” inside that actually fully pursued the goals set by the enemies of the Soviet Union, no one would be able to do anything to our country with external forces alone.”16 Former Soviet Defense Minister Dmitry Yazov said: “There is a so-called ‘fifth column,’ people who depend on the Americans for sustenance. There are not many of these people, but they were the ones who crippled the Soviet Union.”17
苏联解体后，美国中央情报局局长罗伯特·盖茨 (Robert Gates) 不无骄傲地在莫斯科红场散步并说道:“我们知道，无论施加经济压力还是进行军备竞赛，甚至用武力也拿不下来。只能通过内部爆炸来毁灭它。” 原苏联部长会议主席尼古拉·雷日科夫说:“如果内部没有一个实际上完全奉行苏联的敌人所树立的目标的 ‘第五纵队’，而只靠外部力量，谁也不能把我们国家怎么样。” 原苏联国防部长德米特里·亚佐夫说:“有一支所谓的 ‘第五纵队’，这些人依靠美国人吃饭。这些人不多，但正是他们打残了苏联。”
After Gorbachev’s death, leaders of Western countries such as Biden spoke highly of him and offered him various compliments without hesitation. U.S. President Joe Biden said: “Gorbachev was a man of extraordinary vision. When he came to power, the Cold War had been raging for nearly 40 years, and communism had existed even longer, with devastating consequences. Few of the top Soviet leaders had the courage to admit that change was needed. As a member of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I watched as Gorbachev did this and more.”18 British Prime Minister Boris Johnson said: “I am saddened by the news of Mikhail Gorbachev’s death. I have always admired his courage and honesty in bringing the Cold War to a peaceful end.”19
The existence of the “fifth column” has enabled the U.S.-Western strategy peaceful evolution to achieve a comprehensive “victory.” This is a “victory” that the West has never had since the establishment of the socialist states. The harm of the Soviet Union’s “fifth column” tells us that battles on military battlefields are often thrilling because they can be seen, but battles on invisible battlefields such as economics, ideology, and culture are calm on the surface, but because of their level of concealment and subterfuge often become more deadly.
“第五纵队” 的存在，使美西方和平演变战略获得全面的 “胜利”。这是自社会主义国家建立后，西方从未有过的 “胜利”。苏联 “第五纵队” 的危害告诉我们，军事战场上的战斗往往因为看得见而惊心动魄，但是在经济、思想、文化等看不见的战场上的战斗，表面上风平浪静，但因其具有很强的隐蔽性、迷惑性，往往变得更加致命。
The “fifth column” of the West, headed by the United States, instigated rebellion in the Soviet Union, including by the likes of Gorbachev, Yakovlev, Shevardnadze, and Yeltsin, and Western anti-Soviet forces worked together internally and externally to bring down the Party and state of the Soviet Union. That is an indisputable fact, and the process is shocking, making it worthy of our study. (To be continued)
以美国为首的西方在苏联策反安置的 “第五纵队” 包括戈尔巴乔夫、雅科夫列夫、谢瓦尔德纳泽、叶利钦等人与西方反苏势力里应外合搞垮苏联的党和国家是不争的事实，其过程触目惊心，很值得我们去研究。(待续)