Zhou Zhiwei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, traces the evolution of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine and examines its implications for contemporary China-Latin America relations. He argues that while the doctrine initially emphasized mutual non-interference, it has evolved into a tool of U.S. hegemony centered on security, dominance, and alliance building in the Western Hemisphere. He contends that in his second term, Trump has employed a coercive, securitized application of the doctrine, increasing pressure on Latin America and seeking to constrain China-Latin America cooperation. Despite these challenges, Zhou concludes that China-Latin America cooperation will continue to expand due to Latin America’s growing autonomy, economic complementarity with China, and the shared interests of the Global South.

This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.

Two researchers at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR) argue that recent discussions of China-Latin America relations in U.S. academic and strategic communities have increasingly promoted negative narratives related to China. The authors claim that countering China has become “the starting point” for U.S. policymaking in Latin America, as evidenced by a flurry of official statements, legislative activities, resource reallocation, and broad-based government initiatives. They conclude China-Latin America relations face growing uncertainty due to U.S. efforts to exclude China from the region, which they say could harm the interests of the United States, China, and Latin America alike.

Xie Wenze, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), argues that a key component of President Trump’s “New Monroe Doctrine” is constraining China-Latin America economic and trade cooperation. Xie proposes an updated framework of what he calls the “two-ring strategy,” in which the United States relies on expanded control of the Western Hemisphere and dollar dominance to maintain its strategic advantage. He concludes by offering a roadmap for deepening China-Latin America ties to counteract the growing U.S. regional influence, including the periodic deployment of Chinese military ships to Latin America.

This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.

Song Junying, a researcher at the China Institute of International Studies, examines the evolution and resurgence of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine, arguing that U.S. policy toward Latin America has consistently been characterized by a logic of exclusionism and interventionism. Song describes six historical stages of the doctrine, from its “emerging assertiveness” in the 18th century to a “forceful return” as the “New Monroe Doctrine” under President Trump. He observes that the New Monroe Doctrine prioritizes migration enforcement, security intervention, tariff coercion, ideological division, expansionist ambitions, and suppression of China’s presence in the region. However, Song argues that the “New Monroe Doctrine” will create only limited disruptions for China-Latin America relations and that the strong driving force of China’s bilateral relationships with countries in the region will persist.

This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.

Zhang Yifei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, examines changes in U.S. strategy toward Latin America under the second Trump administration. Zhang argues that while the methods through which the United States implements its strategy in the region have changed, the underlying objectives have not. He argues that “retrenchment” to the role of a regional power is not possible for the United States, and concludes by advocating for closer China-Latin America relations, emphasizing their shared identity as members of the Global South.

This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.

Sitegeqi, a researcher at the Institute of International Strategic Studies in Beijing, compares the original Monroe Doctrine with the “New Monroe Doctrine” of President Trump, arguing the latter has a more isolationist character but a broader geographic scope. He contends that Trump sees Latin America as a source of U.S. domestic problems, which he seeks to address through foreign policy.

This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.

The CCP Politburo holds “collective study sessions” on a semi-regular basis, in which an outside academic or government expert leads a discussion on a selected topic. Such sessions can signal which issues the senior leadership considers to be important. On January 30, 2026, Xi Jinping presided over the 24th collective study session of the 20th Central Committee. Xi delivered a speech emphasizing the need to leverage China’s competitive advantages to drive breakthroughs in future industries.

Xing Guangcheng, a leading scholar on borderlands and Sino-Russian relations at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, argues U.S. strategy towards China has shifted from “engagement plus containment” to comprehensive containment, creating unprecedented challenges for China in its periphery. He urges China to “re-create” its peripheral environment by reshaping rather than merely preserving favorable conditions, with the Belt and Road Initiative as the key platform. Stressing the importance of soft power and people-to-people ties to counter the “China threat” narrative, Xing highlights SCO, ASEAN, and BRICS as “levers” for regional cooperation that can help China resist U.S. encirclement and achieve long-term rejuvenation.

Wang Junsheng of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) highlights China’s achievements in work on periphery affairs since 2012. He credits Chinese president Xi Jinping with elevating leader-to-leader diplomacy and deepening economic integration through trade, multilateral mechanisms, and major projects such as the Jakarta–Bandung high-speed railway and China–Central Asia gas pipeline. Wang underscores China’s security initiatives on the Korean Peninsula, Afghanistan, and Ukraine, alongside expanded cultural and educational exchanges. Contrasting China’s cooperative vision with Western “zero-sum” theories, he warns of U.S. efforts to encircle China and rising hostility from Japan, India, and parts of Southeast Asia.

Writing after Xi Jinping’s April 2025 travel to Southeast Asia, Peking University professor Zhai Kun stresses that China’s periphery is the foundation of its security, survival, and development. He argues that the balance between the “two wheels” of work on periphery affairs—development and security—is mutually reinforcing, citing the Belt and Road as a key platform for promoting Chinese-style modernization in the periphery. Zhai observes the 2025 Central Conference on this topic elevated “periphery diplomacy” into broader “work on periphery affairs,” signaling the Party’s prioritization of China’s periphery across all domains.