Translation Tag: trade
Zhou Zhiwei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, traces the evolution of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine and examines its implications for contemporary China-Latin America relations. He argues that while the doctrine initially emphasized mutual non-interference, it has evolved into a tool of U.S. hegemony centered on security, dominance, and alliance building in the Western Hemisphere. He contends that in his second term, Trump has employed a coercive, securitized application of the doctrine, increasing pressure on Latin America and seeking to constrain China-Latin America cooperation. Despite these challenges, Zhou concludes that China-Latin America cooperation will continue to expand due to Latin America’s growing autonomy, economic complementarity with China, and the shared interests of the Global South.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Two researchers at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR) argue that recent discussions of China-Latin America relations in U.S. academic and strategic communities have increasingly promoted negative narratives related to China. The authors claim that countering China has become “the starting point” for U.S. policymaking in Latin America, as evidenced by a flurry of official statements, legislative activities, resource reallocation, and broad-based government initiatives. They conclude China-Latin America relations face growing uncertainty due to U.S. efforts to exclude China from the region, which they say could harm the interests of the United States, China, and Latin America alike.
Xie Wenze, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), argues that a key component of President Trump’s “New Monroe Doctrine” is constraining China-Latin America economic and trade cooperation. Xie proposes an updated framework of what he calls the “two-ring strategy,” in which the United States relies on expanded control of the Western Hemisphere and dollar dominance to maintain its strategic advantage. He concludes by offering a roadmap for deepening China-Latin America ties to counteract the growing U.S. regional influence, including the periodic deployment of Chinese military ships to Latin America.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Song Junying, a researcher at the China Institute of International Studies, examines the evolution and resurgence of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine, arguing that U.S. policy toward Latin America has consistently been characterized by a logic of exclusionism and interventionism. Song describes six historical stages of the doctrine, from its “emerging assertiveness” in the 18th century to a “forceful return” as the “New Monroe Doctrine” under President Trump. He observes that the New Monroe Doctrine prioritizes migration enforcement, security intervention, tariff coercion, ideological division, expansionist ambitions, and suppression of China’s presence in the region. However, Song argues that the “New Monroe Doctrine” will create only limited disruptions for China-Latin America relations and that the strong driving force of China’s bilateral relationships with countries in the region will persist.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Writing after the April 2025 Central Conference on Work Relating to the Periphery, Li Kaisheng of the Shanghai Academy of International Studies credits President Xi Jinping’s leadership with elevating periphery diplomacy and bringing China’s relations with its periphery to their “best period in modern times.” Li underscores the periphery’s importance to China’s development, security, and diplomacy, linking the stability of China’s relations with its periphery to Chinese-style modernization and resistance to U.S. containment. He identifies Xi’s principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit, and inclusiveness as the foundation of periphery diplomacy, expanded through five new dimensions, and portrays head-of-state diplomacy as essential to fostering trust, managing disputes, and advancing flagship projects.
This special action plan issued by the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council outlines 30 actions to boost domestic consumption. These proposals aim to spur and improve the quality of consumption capacity, service consumption, and more to enhance the contributions of domestic consumption to China’s overall economy. The plan prioritizes increasing consumer spending power through pay adjustments and direct employment support while also addressing constraints on consumption. It also calls for leveraging fiscal policy support to supplement public services and expand disposable income, increasing consumption efficiency, and promoting new industries, consumption models and income channels.
Days after Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs announcement, Guan Tao, the global chief economist at BOCI China, assesses the impacts of the intensifying U.S.-China trade war. He compares this round of tariffs with the earlier tariffs imposed during Trump’s first term, concluding that their impacts on China this year may be similar to those of 2019. However, Guan views the external environment as increasingly suppressive and unpredictable, arguing that it will force China to “focus on doing its own things well” and spur domestic reforms spanning its development pattern, trade model, and macroeconomic policy priorities. Guan expects U.S.-China economic and trade relations to worsen but is confident these domestic adjustments will enable China to weather the “tariff storm.”
Three Chinese state-affiliated researchers Jiang Zhao, Dong Chao, and Fu Jiang assess the impact of Trump 2.0 on the global economy and U.S.-China trade relations. They foresee Trump’s policies as harmful to multilateral economic cooperation, but they believe the impact on China will be limited. They also propose a slate of countermeasures for Beijing, which include further diversifying export markets and trade cooperation with emerging economies, optimizing China’s ability to attract foreign investment, accelerating RMB internationalization, and “telling China’s economic development story well” to influence global public opinion.
Yang Guoliang, a professor at the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE) in Beijing, frames U.S. pursuit of strategic competition with China as a reemergence of Western imperialism. He suggests the relative shift in economic power away from the West in past decades, toward the rest of the world, has led Washington to characterize globalization as “out-of-control” and introduce its own set of restrictions on international commercial engagement. While reiterating the need for continued reform and opening up, he underscores the need for China to set its own limits on commercial openness — particularly in the realm of inbound foreign investment from the West — in order to safeguard its sovereignty, security and development interests.
In the wake of Donald Trump’s victory in the 2024 U.S. presidential election, a top economist at the Bank of China Securities unpacks the potential trade impacts of a second Trump administration on China. He argues that Trump 2.0 may not be universally unfavorable from Beijing’s perspective, given he is entering his second term more focused on domestic issues and China currently maintains a lower trade deficit with the United States than other countries. Though he suggests Trump 2.0 could be less volatile than Trump 1.0, Guan cautions that Beijing still needs to prepare for U.S.-China trade relations to worsen and views domestic reforms and economic performance improvements as key to strengthening China’s position.