Since the upheaval in the Middle East at the end of 2010, countries in the region have for a decade experienced varying degrees of political, economic, and social turmoil. Coupled with the ravages of terrorist organizations represented by “Islamic State” and the interference of some external forces, economic recession and unstable popular sentiment have become significant features of the development of Middle Eastern countries. To forge order from chaos and seek change in its midst have become the urgent desires of the governments and peoples of countries in the Middle East. Meanwhile, the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was held in November 2012, and China’s diplomacy entered into a new period, i.e., the period of major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. This dovetailed fortuitously with the aspirations of Middle Eastern countries. On one hand, they hoped to establish close economic ties with China through the Belt and Road Initiative, and realize mutual benefits and win-win outcomes by hitching a ride on the “train” of rapid economic development; on the other hand, China hoped to demonstrate its responsibility as a major power in the Middle East and build up its image as a responsible great power. As of 2020, China’s Middle East major country diplomacy in the new era has been developing rapidly, with its concepts gradually taking shape and its role gradually maturing.
2010年底中东剧变以来,中东国家经历了十年不同程度的政治、经济及社会动荡,加上以“伊斯兰国”为代表的恐怖组织的肆虐和一些外部势力的干涉,经济萧条和民心不稳成为中东国家发展的显著特征,乱中求治、乱中求变已成为中东国家政府和民众的迫切愿望。与此同时,中国共产党十八大于2012年11月召开,中国外交进入一个新时期,即中国特色大国外交时期。这与中东地区国家的诉求不谋而合:一方面,中东国家希望借助“一带一路”倡议与中国建立紧密的经济联系,搭乘经济快速发展的“便车”实现互利共赢;另一方面,中国也希望在中东展现大国责任,建构负责任的大国形象。时至2020年,新时期的中国中东大国外交快速发展,理念逐渐成形,角色逐渐成熟。
The results of research on China’s Middle East major country diplomacy by domestic and foreign academics have been fruitful. Domestic research has mainly focused on three levels. The first is research on the situation in the Middle East. A considerable number of scholars have been generally pessimistic about the security situation in the Middle East since the upheaval there, and suggest that China’s Middle East major country diplomacy should be cautious. They may be called “cautious pessimists.” They believe that the pattern of the Middle East has now entered a period of deep adjustment. The upheaval in the Middle East since the end of 2010 “is the product of the tortuous processes of nation-building and social development in the post-war Middle East… and is also a regional manifestation of the major changes, adjustments, and developments in the global international political and economic system in the post-Cold War era.” 1 The Middle East region has plunged into the most turbulent period in nearly a century, with more and more countries in turmoil, traditional security threats growing, and an escalating arms race. At present and for some years to come, the Middle East will be full of contradictions and obstacles as it moves from chaos to governance under the influence of strategic forces from within and outside the region.2 The second level is research on the promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative in the Middle East. Here, there are two main points of view: the “risk theory” and the “interest theory.” According to the “risk theory,” the Belt and Road Initiative faces great political, security, and third-party risks in the Middle East, and China’s Middle East policy must adhere to the principle of being “reasonable,” “beneficial,” and “segmented.”3 According to the “interest theory,” it is in China’s interest to properly manage friendly relationships with five key Middle Eastern countries: Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Iran, Egypt, and Turkey. As long as the Belt and Road Initiative is successfully linked with the development strategies of these five key countries, and other countries are appropriately covered, China’s relations with the Middle East can be assured to develop along their intended track.4 Promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative should take into account overall national interests and strategies, and emphasize the comprehensiveness of China’s interests in the Middle East.5 The third level is research on China’s Middle East major country diplomacy. These researchers believe that China’s Middle East major country diplomacy presents both opportunities and challenges,6 and that China should proactively take responsibility in the Middle East, so they can be called “positive optimists.” They argue that China’s Middle East diplomacy should not remain at the level of stance and attitude, and China should actively participate in the resolution of regional hotspot issues and put forward China’s ideas and programs. As a responsible major power, if China wants to play a more responsible role in the geo-strategically important Middle East region, it must improve its ability to manage Middle East crises.7 It must shift from a general diplomacy of overall detachment, biding time, and concealing strength, to a Middle East diplomacy that is energetic and aggressive.8 The Middle East region provides an important platform for China to assume the responsibilities of a major power, and is a rare opportunity for China to provide public goods and a new growth driver for diplomacy.9 China needs to increase its investment to “enhance its influence and voice in Middle East affairs.”10
国内外学界研究中国中东大国外交的成果丰硕。国内研究主要集中在3个层面:一是围绕中东局势的研究,相当数量的学者对中东剧变以来的中东地区安全局势总体上持悲观态度,提出中国中东大国外交应当谨慎,可称为“谨慎悲观论”者。他们认为,当前中东地区格局已经进入了深度调整期。2010年末以来的中东剧变“是战后中东民族国家建设、社会发展曲折进程的阶段产物……同时也是后冷战时代全球国际政治经济体系大变化、大调整和大发展的地区表现”,中东地区已陷入近百年来最动荡时期,动荡国家越来越多、传统安全威胁加大、军备竞赛升级。目前和未来若干年,中东在域内外战略力量作用下,“由乱而治”的过程将充满矛盾和障碍。二是围绕在中东推进“一带一路”倡议的研究,主要有“风险论”和“利益论”两种观点。“风险论”者认为,“一带一路”倡议在中东面临很大的政治风险、安全风险和第三方风险,中国中东政策需要做到“有理”“有利”“有节”三原则。“利益论”者认为,处理好与沙特、巴基斯坦、伊朗、埃及和土耳其等5个中东关键国家的友好关系是中国的利益所在。只要将“一带一路”倡议与这5个关键国家的发展战略成功对接,适当涵盖其他国家,就可以确保中国与中东国家关系沿着预定轨道发展。“一带一路”倡议的推进应该兼顾整体国家利益与国家战略,重视中国中东利益的全面性。三是关于中国的中东大国外交研究,他们认为中国中东大国外交既有机遇也有挑战,中国在中东应该积极主动承担责任,可称为“积极乐观论”者,他们主张中国的中东外交不应仅停留在最初的表明立场态度层面,而应该积极参与地区热点问题解决、提出中国思路和方案。作为负责任大国,中国要在中东这一重要地缘战略板块更有担当作为,必须提升管理中东危机的能力,需要从总体超脱、韬光养晦的外交转向奋发进取的大国中东外交。中东地区为中国承担大国责任提供了重要平台,是中国提供公共产品的难得机遇和外交新增长点。中国需要增加投入,“增强对中东事务的影响力与话语权”。
The main viewpoints in relevant studies in foreign academic circles are the “alternative theory,” the “non-substitution theory,” the “responsibility theory,” and the “cooperation theory.” According to the “alternative theory,” China is an alternative to the United States in the Middle East. As the U.S. government has implemented a global strategic retrenchment, it has reduced its investment of strategic forces in the Middle East, resulting in a power vacuum there to some extent. Also given the transformation requirements of Middle Eastern countries since the upheaval in the region, China’s development model provides a more attractive alternative to the United States for Middle Eastern countries.11 In addition, China’s vast energy market provides a strong incentive for Middle Eastern countries to turn from the West to the East.12 The “non-alternative” view is just the opposite. For example, a RAND Corporation study, “China in the Middle East: The Wary Dragon,” points out that China’s main concern in the region is economic interests, and it does not seek to replace the United States and dominate the Middle East. China is worried about getting involved in the Middle East’s chaos, so it will adopt a “light footprint” in the region.13 Both the “responsibility theory” and the “cooperation theory” hold that China should try to maintain friendly relations with all forces in the Middle East, so as to avoid making enemies and endangering itself.14 China’s Middle East major country diplomacy is free riding on the United States, and the United States is deeply dissatisfied with this. It hopes that China will shoulder responsibility for maintaining security and stability in the Middle East,15 and suggests that the United States and China should cooperate in maintaining security and stability in the region.16
国外学界的相关研究主要有“替代论”“非替代论”“责任论”与“合作论”等观点。“替代论”者认为,中国是美国在中东的替代性选择。由于美国政府实行全球战略收缩,在中东地区减少战略力量投入,导致中东出现某种程度上的权力真空。加上自中东剧变以来中东国家的转型需求,中国的发展模式为中东国家提供了相较于美国更具吸引力的替代性选择。此外,中国广阔的能源市场也为中东国家将目光从西方转向东方提供了强大动力。“非替代论”者的观点则刚好相反,如美国兰德公司发布的《中国在中东:犹豫的龙》研究报告指出,中国在中东最关注的是经济利益,并不谋求取代美国、主宰中东;中国担心卷入中东乱局,因此中国在中东将采取“轻足迹”战略。“责任论”与“合作论”者均认为,中国试图与中东地区各方势力均保持友好关系,避免树敌而危及自身;中国中东大国外交是在搭美国的便车,美国对此深感不满,希望中国承担维护中东安全与稳定的责任;建议美中合作,共同维护中东地区的安全与稳定。
Domestic and foreign academics have analyzed China’s Middle East major country diplomacy mainly from the perspectives of the Middle East security situation, China’s Middle East security responsibilities and interests, and China-U.S. relations. There is overlap when it comes to the responsibilities aspect of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy, with all hoping that China will take on greater responsibilities in the region. However, the academic research on the strategic connotations, diplomatic concepts, roles, and major achievements of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy in the Middle East since the upheaval in 2010 needs to be explored further, and here the authors have attempted to perform a systematic analysis and explanation.
国内外学界主要从中东安全局势、中国中东安全责任和利益、中美关系等视角分析了中国中东大国外交,在中国中东大国外交的责任方面具有重合之处,都希望中国在中东承担更大的责任。然而,学界对2010年中东剧变以来中国中东大国外交的战略内涵、外交理念、扮演角色以及取得的主要成就方面的研究尚有待深入,笔者试图对此进行系统性的分析和解释。
The Strategic Connotations of China’s Middle East Major Country Diplomacy
中国中东大国外交的战略内涵
“How to accurately position the Middle East strategically has become a problem that must be solved by a top-level design approach to Middle East diplomacy.”17 The design of diplomatic strategy mainly includes the objective conditions of the strategy, strategic goals, and strategic means. China’s Middle East major country diplomacy strategy is based on the Middle East’s objective need to seek change in the midst of chaos since 2010, as well as China’s own trend of peaceful development. These have indicated the direction of China’s strategic goals for major country diplomacy in the Middle East, and chosen a specific practical paths for realizing these strategic goals.
“如何对中东进行准确的战略定位已成为对中东外交进行顶层设计必须解决的问题外交战略设计主要包括战略的客观条件、战略目标及战略手段等方面。中国中东大国外交战略依据2010年以来中东地区乱中求变的客观需求以及中国自身的和平发展趋势,指明了中国中东大国外交的战略目标方向,并选择了实现战略目标的具体实践路径。
(1) Objective Conditions
(一)客观条件
The objective global and regional environment is the external basis for the top-level design of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy strategy. At the global level, the world is in the midst of “great changes unseen in a century.”18 The trends toward political pluralism, economic globalization, social informatization, and cultural diversification are accelerating, and countries around the world today remain in a state of high interdependence. While the process of globalization has not been interrupted, “anti-globalization” is gathering momentum. Currently, changing power shifts among countries are intensifying international competition, and there is great uncertainty in the world. This requires the international community to make joint efforts to propel the evolution of the international order in a just and reasonable direction and promote the common development of all countries and world peace.19 China’s Middle East major country diplomacy should be designed to meet the development needs of this overall environment and situation. At the regional level, peace and development have not always been the main currents. Since the upheaval in the Middle East in 2010, the situation in the region has been exceptionally complex. Politically, multiple contradictions and conflicts are intertwined. A camp-like confrontation centered on two Middle East regional powers, Saudi Arabia and Iran, has formed within the Islamic world, and a Cold War-like trend has intensified.20 The situation in the Middle East has been further complicated by interference from extra-regional powers. Within the Arab world, conflicts among the Gulf States have deepened as a result of the polarization and confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Economically, the overall economic development of the Middle East has been slow, and some countries have even fallen into stagnation and regression. “The most fundamental reasons that triggered the anti-government wave in the first place were unemployment, poverty, and other economic difficulties. The United States only helped the people to overthrow a group of original governments, but it had neither the will nor the ability to revitalize economies or improve people’s livelihoods, leaving the people to struggle in a maelstrom of chaos, poverty, and bloodshed.”21 In addition, the wave of refugees triggered by the civil war in Syria, and the influx of refugees in Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine, worsened the already fragile economic situation. In terms of security, traditional security issues such as the confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are intertwined with and exacerbated by non-traditional security threats such as terrorism and public health. Middle East terrorism has been a focus of the world’s attention ever since the events of September 11. The “Islamic State” became a growing threat to the region in the wake of dramatic changes in the Middle East, and has pushed the boundaries of traditional terrorist organizations. After the elimination of the “Islamic State” entity in November 2018, a large number of foreign national “jihadist” elements returned home. They will inevitably bring back to their countries the violent psychology and ideology of the extremist organization they participated in during their time in Syria, thus bringing long-term potential security threats to their host countries.22
全球和地区的客观环境是中国中东大国外交战略顶层设计的外部依据。在全球层面,当今世界正处于“百年未有之大变局”。政治多元化、经济全球化、社会信息化和文化多样化加速发展,当今世界各国仍然处在高度相互依存的状态之中,全球化进程并未中断,但“逆全球化”势头凶猛。此时大国间实力对比变化导致国际竞争加剧,世界存在着很大的不确定性。这要求国际社会共同努力,推动国际秩序朝着公正合理的方向演变,促进各国共同发展与世界和平。中国的中东大国外交设计要满足这一总的环境形势的发展需求在地区层面,和平与发展并不总是主要潮流。自2010年中东剧变以来,该地区局势异常复杂。在政治上,多种矛盾和冲突交织。伊斯兰世界内部已形成以沙特和伊朗两大中东地区强国为核心的阵营式对抗,冷战化趋势加重。在域外大国的干涉下,中东局势进一步复杂化。在阿拉伯世界内部,由于沙特和卡塔尔的分化与对立,海湾国家间矛盾加深。在经济上,中东整体经济发展缓慢,部分国家甚至陷入停滞和倒退。“当初引发反政府浪潮的最根本原因是失业、贫困及其他经济困境。美国只帮助民众推翻了一批原政府,却无心也无力振兴经济、改善民生,任凭民众在混乱、贫穷、血腥的漩涡中挣扎”。加之,叙利亚内战引发的难民潮,黎巴嫩、伊拉克、巴勒斯坦等国因难民涌入,更是恶化了原本就已经脆弱不堪的经济状况。在安全上,沙特与伊朗对峙、巴以矛盾等传统安全问题与恐怖主义、公共卫生等非传统安全威胁交织和恶化。自“九一一”事件以来,中东地区恐怖主义始终是世界关注的焦点之一。中东剧变后对地区威胁不断加剧的“伊斯兰国”更是突破了人们对传统恐怖组织的认知底线。2018年11月,“伊斯兰国”实体被消灭后,大批外籍“圣战”分子回流,必然会将他们在叙利亚期间参加极端组织的暴力心理和思想观念带回国内,从而给所在国带来长期的潜在安全威胁。
The political, economic, and security issues in the Middle East are closely interrelated. On one hand, unemployment, poverty, and other problems brought about by stagnating and regressing economic development have been the economic root causes of the upheaval in the Middle East, leading to political unrest. This in turn triggered the political transformation of Middle Eastern countries, and was also one of the reasons for the breakdown of relations among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. On the other hand, failure to solve the problem of people’s basic needs, and high youth unemployment, made it easy for extremist ideology to penetratethe Middle East, thus making it a breeding ground for terrorists. The Cold War trend in politics has not only caused the level of traditional security threats in the Middle East to rise continuously, but the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran has also been exploited by extremists, and has turned into a root cause behind the growth of extremist organizations. Whereas the security situation in the Middle East has been created by the region’s deteriorating economic and political problems, it in turn further affects the political and economic situation in the region. Many problems at the three levels interact and influence each other, and have deteriorated further under the intervention of the United States, Russia, and other foreign powers. The Middle East has thus long been caught in a “quagmire” of intertwined economic, political, and security problems from which it is unable to extricate itself.
中东地区的政治、经济、安全问题彼此密切相关。一方面,经济发展停滞和倒退所引发的失业、贫困等问题是中东剧变的经济根源,导致政治动荡,进而引发中东国家的政治转型,也是海合会国家间关系破裂的原因之一;另一方面,民众温饱问题没有解决,大量青年失业使得极端主义思想轻易渗透,中东地区因此成为滋生恐怖分子的温床。政治方面的冷战化趋势不仅使中东地区传统安全威胁程度持续上升,而且沙特、伊朗两国间矛盾也被极端分子利用,成为极端组织发酵的根源之一。而中东安全局势是由于中东经济和政治问题的不断恶化造成的,中东安全局势又进一步影响了该地区的政治与经济状况。3个层面的诸多问题相互作用、相互影响,并在美、俄等域外大国的干预下进一步恶化,中东因此长期陷入经济、政治、安全问题交织的“泥潭”而无法自拔。
China’s growing interests in the Middle East and the enhancement of China’s comprehensive national strength are the internal conditions for the top-level design of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy strategy. In the face of the Middle East’s complicated objective security environment, China has, since reform and opening up began, insisted on “biding its time and concealing its strength.” It has tried to avoid direct involvement in the region’s contradictions and disputes as much as possible, maintaining a detached attitude.23 Some scholars believe that the Middle East is a swamp that entraps superpowers, and that China can strengthen economic cooperation with Middle Eastern countries on economic matters, but politically it is better to stop at stating its position.24 However, China’s interests in the Middle East are growing as its goods, labor, and personnel continue to enter the region. In the years from 2014 to 2019, import and export trade between China and Arab countries in the Middle East totaled $227.098 billion, $178.13 billion, $171.1 billion, $191.34 billion, $244.3 billion, and $266.4 billion, respectively.25 “The Middle East has been upgraded from a strategic extension area of China’s periphery to an important part of its larger neighborhood,”26 and the fate of the Middle East is closely related to China. Middle Eastern countries caught in their predicament are making ever stronger appeals for China to shoulder the responsibilities of a great power, and that is also an inevitable requirement for the development of China’s national strength. On one hand, China is a rising power, and “if it refuses to assume the ‘responsibilities of a major power’ that it should assume, it will be regarded by the international community as a ‘free-rider,’ or an ‘extreme egoist’ that only cares about obtaining benefits from the international community but is unwilling to make contributions to it. As such, it is likely to become a loner in the international community, and it will then find it very difficult to become a major power that is accepted by the international community.”27 On the other hand, for China, “to provide more public goods to the world on the basis of the continuous development of its own national strength is also the responsibility of a major developing country.”28 Therefore, assuming the responsibilities of a major power and providing public goods to the Middle East region has become necessary path for China to enhance its international voice and influence. As an extension of China’s major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, China’s Middle East major country diplomacy needs to “make its contribution,” and China’s new generation of leaders, with President Xi Jinping as the core, has seized the opportunity and designed China’s major country diplomacy strategy in the Middle East in a timely manner.
中国在中东利益的增加及中国综合国力的提升是中国中东大国外交战略顶层设计的内部条件。面对中东复杂的客观安全环境,中国自改革开放以来长期坚持“韬光养晦”,尽量避免直接介入地区的矛盾和争端,保持着一种超脱态度。有学者认为,中东是陷住超级大国的沼泽地,经济上中国可加强与中东国家的合作,但政治上最好止于表态。但随着中国的商品、劳务、人员等不断进入中东,中国在中东的利益日益增加,自2014年至2019年,中国与中东地区阿拉伯国家间的进出口贸易额分别为2270.98亿美元、1781.3亿美元、1711亿美元、1913.4亿美元、2443亿美元和2664亿美元。“中东地区已从中国周边战略延伸地区调整为大周边的重要组成部分”,中东的命运同中国息息相关。面对陷入困局的中东国家,承担大国责任既是它们对中国日益强烈的呼声,更是中国国力自身发展的必然需求。一方面,中国作为崛起中的大国,“如果拒绝承担应该承担的’大国责任’,会被国际社会看成是’搭便车者’,就是只顾从国际社会获取利益而不愿对之做贡献的’极端利己主义者如此,它就有可能成为国际社会中的孤家寡人,进而也就很难成为被国际社会接受的大国”;另一方面,中国“在自身国力不断发展的基础上为世界提供更多的公共产品,也是一个发展中大国所应尽的责任”。因此,承担大国责任、向中东地区提供公共产品成为中国增强国际话语权和影响力的必由之路。作为中国特色大国外交的延伸,中国中东大国外交需要“有所作为”,以习近平主席为核心的中国新一代领导集体抓住机遇及时设计了中国中东大国外交方略。
(2) Strategic Goals
(二)战略目标
The objective requirements of the Middle East and the responsibilities of a major power accompanying China’s rise have prompted China and the Middle East to reach a series of principled consensuses: First, both sides have emphasized that they should “take concerted action and cooperate in building a new type of international relations, safeguarding the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of China and the Arab States.”29 Second, the two sides have clearly emphasized that they “adhere to resolving differences and disputes between countries by peaceful means through dialogue and consultation,”30 and that “force is not the solution, and a zero-sum mindset cannot bring lasting security. Although the dialogue process is lengthy and perhaps even repetitive, it has the least negative aftereffects and the most sustainable results.”31 The only way to properly resolve disputes and differences between countries is through peaceful means such as negotiation and dialogue. Third, the two sides have agreed to further enhance strategic partnerships in order to achieve common development and mutual benefits. Fourth, the two sides have emphasized that “different civilizations are all crystallizations of human wisdom, and are noble humanitarian aims. We should have mutual respect and accommodation, promote mutual exchanges and friendship among peoples, and be committed to achieving the harmonious and peaceful coexistence of different civilizations.” 32
中东的客观需求和中国崛起生成的大国责任,促使中国与中东双方达成了一系列原则性共识:一是双方一致强调“在构建新型国际关系上呼应配合,维护中阿主权、独立、领土完整”;二是双方明确强调“坚持通过对话协商以和平方式解决国家间的分歧和争端”,强调“武力不是解决之道,零和思维无法带来持久安全。对话过程虽然漫长,甚至可能出现反复,但后遗症最小,结果也最可持续”,国家间的争端和分歧只有通过谈判、对话等和平方式才能得到妥善解决;三是双方同意进一步提升战略伙伴关系,从而实现共同发展和互利共赢;四是双方强调“不同文明都是人类智慧的结晶,是崇高的人道宗旨,应当相互尊重、相互包容、增进彼此人民的相互交流与友谊,致力于实现人类不同文明和谐与和平共处”。
On the basis of these principled consensuses, China has established goals for its cooperation with the Middle East countries, including political goals, economic goals, security goals, and humanistic goals. Politically, we further clarify strategic mutual trust and partnership relationships. Strategic mutual trust and partnership are the political foundation of cooperation between the two sides. The concept of global partnership was first put forward in the report of the 19th Party Congress in 2017.33 Upgrading China’s partnerships with Middle Eastern countries was put on the agenda. “We shall deepen strategic partnerships, consolidate political mutual trust, continue to support each other on issues involving each other’s core and major interests, and strengthen bilateral political consultation and coordination on major and unexpected political issues and crises.”34 “Since the start of the 21st century, China has established partnerships with 15 countries in the Middle East, including comprehensive strategic partnerships, comprehensive partnerships for innovation, strategic partnerships, and strategic cooperative partnerships.”35 From the ancient overland Silk Road and the “maritime spice road,” to today’s mutual aid, it all reflects the deep friendship that China and the Middle Eastern countries have with each other.
在这些原则性共识的基础上,中国确立了与中东国家的合作目标,包括政治目标、经济目标、安全目标和人文目标。在政治上,进一步明确战略互信与伙伴关系。战略互信与伙伴关系是双方合作的政治基础。2017年党的十九大报告首次提出全球伙伴关系概念。中国对中东国家的伙伴关系升级提上日程。“深化战略伙伴关系,巩固政治互信,继续在涉及对方核心和重大利益的问题上相互扶持,加强双方就重大和突发政治问题及危机的政治磋商与协调”。“21世纪以来,中国同中东15国建立了包括全面战略伙伴关系、创新全面伙伴关系、战略伙伴关系、战略合作关系在内的伙伴关系”。从古代的陆上丝绸之路和海上香料之路,到如今中国与中东国家间的互帮互助,无不体现中国与中东国家彼此的深厚情谊。
Economically, the emphasis is on building a diversified cooperation network between China and the Middle East. The complementary economic strengths of the two sides are the driving force for sustained cooperation. Both sides, “in accordance with the principle of mutual benefit and win-win outcomes, and in accordance with the requirements of the laws and regulations of each party, will further deepen cooperation in the fields of energy, infrastructure, trade, and investment facilitation, give full play to China’s advantages in production capacity and the richness and diversity of Arab energy resources, and continuously strengthen cooperation in the fields of high and new technologies such as nuclear energy, space satellites, and new energy,”36 emphasizing the construction and development of diversified economic cooperation mechanisms, i.e., gradually expanding from isolated energy cooperation to institutionalized cooperative relationships in fields such as trade, investment, and finance, and forming a diversified economic cooperation network.
在经济上,强调建设中国与中东多样化的合作网络。双方经济优势互补是持续合作的动力。彼此“按照互利共赢原则,并根据各方法律法规要求,进一步深化能源、基础设施、贸易投资便利化等领域的合作,发挥中国产能优势和阿拉伯能源丰富多样的特点,不断加强核能、航天卫星和新能源等高新技术领域的合作”,强调多样化经济合作机制的建设与发展,即从单一性的能源合作,逐步扩展到贸易、投资和金融等领域制度化的合作关系,形成多样化的经济合作网络。
In terms of security, cooperation focusing on non-traditional security is promoted. Security cooperation is a prerequisite and assurance for cooperation between the two sides. In the field of traditional security, [the goals are to:] Expand military personnel exchanges; deepen cooperation on weapons and equipment and various types of professional and technical cooperation; carry out joint army training; and support Middle Eastern countries’ own counter-terrorism efforts and counter-terrorism capacity building. In the field of non-traditional security, [the goals are to:] Support the fight against piracy, aggressive responses to terrorism, and joint response to pandemic diseases; establish a long-term security cooperation mechanism and an intelligence and information exchange mechanism; improve the ability to deal with non-traditional security threats; and achieve sustainable peace and security in the Middle East. 37 In November 2019, China initiated and hosted the first Middle East Security Forum, where participants held in-depth discussions on peace and security in the Middle East. China’s security cooperation with the Middle East thus entered a new phase.
在安全上,推进以非传统安全为主的安全合作。安全合作是双方合作的前提和保障。在传统安全领域,扩大军事人员交流,深化武器装备合作和各类专业技术合作,开展军队联合训练,支持中东国家自身反恐努力和反恐能力建设。在非传统安全领域,支持打击海盗、积极应对恐怖主义、共同应对流行性疾病等,建立长效安全合作机制和情报信息交流机制,提高应对非传统安全威胁的能力,实现中东可持续的和平与安全。2019年11月,中国倡议并主办首届“中东安全论坛”,与会者就中东和平与安全问题进行了深入探讨,中国与中东安全合作进入新阶段。
In terms of cultural relations, the institutionalization of exchange platforms has been promoted. Cultural exchange platforms are bridges of civilizational awareness and mutual understanding for cooperation between the two sides. China’s cultural exchange activities to the Middle East have gradually increased since 2013. “China’s Arab Policy Paper,” released in January 2016, for the first time systematically elaborated China’s plans with Arab states in the fields of cultural exchanges (covering civilization and religion, culture, broadcasting, film and television, the press and publishing, think tanks, etc.), people-to-people exchanges, and exchanges among youth and women, as well as tourism cooperation. Goals and requirements have been specified for each of these fields. Among them, the words “platform” and “mechanism” appear many times, such as “build bilateral and multilateral platforms for religious exchanges,” “actively study the establishment of long-term mechanisms for China-Arab think tank exchanges,” and “improve the China-Arab Friendship Conference mechanism.”38 This suggests that China’s cultural exchanges with Middle Eastern countries are to be elevated to a new level, i.e., transitioned from a state of fragmentation to one based on platforms and mechanisms.
在人文关系上,推进交流平台制度化。人文交流平台是双方合作的文明认知互鉴桥梁。自2013年以来,中国对中东人文交流活动的力度逐渐增强。2016年1月发布的《中国对阿拉伯国家政策文件》首次系统性地阐述了中国与阿拉伯国家在人文交流领域的规划,涉及文明和宗教领域、文化、广播影视、新闻出版、智库等领域、民间交往和青年、妇女交流领域,以及旅游合作领域。每一个领域都指定了目标和要求。其中,“平台”“机制”建设多次出现,如“搭建双多边宗教交流平台”“积极研究建立中阿智库长效交流机制”“完善中国一阿拉伯友好大会机制”等。这表明中国对中东国家的人文交流要提升到新的层级,即从零散化、碎片化过渡到平台化和机制化。
(3) Practical Paths
(三)实践路径
The practical paths of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy mainly include four aspects: in politics – partnership diplomacy ; in economics – the Belt and Road Initiative; in security – coordination of diplomacy by special envoys; and the official cooperation forum mechanism. In terms of partnership diplomacy, China has gradually deepened its partnership network by establishing bilateral strategic partnerships with Middle Eastern countries. “China has taken the lead among major powers in establishing partnership as a guiding principle for interstate relations.”39 Since the 18th Party Congress, promoting the construction of a holistic, multi-level, and three-dimensional global partnership network has become an important task of major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. China has always maintained good relations with countries in the Middle East. “With the continuing enhancement of China’s comprehensive national power and international status, as well as the growing interest of Middle Eastern countries in China … China and Middle Eastern countries have increased their interdependence.”40 In this kind of context, it is imperative that China expand its political partnership network in the Middle East.
中国中东大国外交的实践路径主要包括四方面:政治上的伙伴关系外交;经济上的“一带一路”倡议;安全上的特使协调外交;官方的合作论坛机制。在伙伴关系外交上,中国通过与中东国家建立双边战略伙伴关系逐步深化伙伴关系网络,“中国在主要大国中率先把建立伙伴关系确定为国家间交往的指导原则”。自党的十八大以来,推动构建全方位、多层次、立体化的全球伙伴关系网络,成为中国特色大国外交的重要任务。在中东地区,中国始终同该地区的国家保持着良好的关系。“随着中国综合国力和国际地位的不断提升,以及中东国家对中国的兴趣日益增加……中国与中东国家相互依存度增加”。在这样的背景下,拓展中国在中东的政治伙伴关系网络势在必行。
With regard to the Belt and Road Initiative, in June 2014, President Xi Jinping stated at the opening ceremony of the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF) that China and the Arab states should jointly carry forward the spirit of the Silk Road and jointly build the Belt and Road.41 In March 2015, the “Vision and Action for Building the Belt and Road” was released, putting forward the principles, framework, cooperation priorities, cooperation mechanisms, and action paths of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).42 In July 2018 in Beijing, China and the Arab states signed the “Declaration of Action on China-Arab States Cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative,” in which the two sides committed to carrying forward the Silk Road spirit of peace and cooperation, openness and inclusiveness, mutual learning and mutual understanding, and mutual benefit and win-win outcomes, so as to achieve the communication of policies, the connection of facilities, the smooth flow of trade, the integration of funds, and the mutual understanding of people’s hearts and minds.43 The Middle East occupies an important geographic location connecting Asia, Africa, and Europe, and is a key participant in the Belt and Road Initiative. Therefore, building the Belt and Road in cooperation with states in the Middle East region is of far-reaching strategic significance for promoting the economic development of the two sides and realizing mutual benefits and win-win outcomes.
在“一带一路”倡议方面,2014年6月,习近平主席在中阿合作论坛第六届部长级会议开幕式上指出,中阿双方应共同弘扬丝路精神,共建“一带一路”。2015年3月发布《共建“一带一路”愿景与行动》,提出了“一带一路”倡议的共建原则、框架思路、合作重点、合作机制与行动路径。2018年7月,中国与阿拉伯国家在北京签署合作共建“一带一路”行动宣言,双方致力于弘扬和平合作、开放包容、互学互鉴、互利共赢的丝路精神,实现政策沟通、设施联通、贸易畅通、资金融通、民心相通。中东处于连接亚非欧三大洲的重要地缘位置,是“一带一路”倡议的关键参与者。因此,与中东地区国家合作共建“一带一路”对促进双方经济发展、实现互利共赢具有深远的战略意义。
In terms of coordination of diplomacy by special envoys, as early as September 2002, the Chinese government appointed Wang Shijie as China’s first special envoy for Middle East issues, and in November of the same year, he traveled to six countries in the Middle East. This coordination of diplomacy by special envoys “demonstrates the concern that China, as a world power, has for Middle East affairs.”44 As of 2020, China has appointed five special envoys on Middle East issues.45 Their duties are mainly to “urge peace and promote dialogue” and to advance the peace process in the Middle East region, including understanding the latest situation of hotspot issues in the Middle East and the positions of various parties, expressing the Chinese government’s views on Middle East issues, maintaining communication with the parties concerned on hotspot issues, actively playing a third-party mediator role, and offering China’s propositions and solutions for the Middle East.46 Non-interference in internal affairs is a consistent principle that China adheres to in the Middle East, but “non-interference is not the same as doing nothing,”47 and China has tried to promote constructive participation in the region. Coordination of diplomacy by special envoys is a form of constructive diplomatic practice that can “transform zero-sum games into win-win cooperation in conflict management.”48
在特使协调外交上,早在2002年9月,中国政府任命王世杰为中国中东问题首任特使,并于同年11月出访中东六国。特使协调外交“显示中国作为一个世界性大国对中东事务的关心”。截至2020年,中国共任命了5位中东问题特使,其职责主要是“劝和促谈”,推进中东地区的和平进程,包括了解中东地区热点问题的最新形势和各方立场,表达中国政府对中东问题的看法,就热点问题同有关各方保持沟通,积极扮演第三方调解人的角色,提供中国的主张和方案。不干涉内政是中国在中东坚持的一贯原则,但“不干预政策不等于无所作为”,中国在中东尝试推进建设性参与实践。特使协调外交是一种建设性外交实践方式,能够“在冲突管理中使零和博弈转换成共赢合作”。
As to the cooperation forum mechanism, construction of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum has been promoted. The China-Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF), which began in 2004, aims to strengthen dialogue, cooperation, and exchanges between China and the Arab states. Since the 18th Party Congress, the CASCF has held its sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth ministerial conferences in 2014, 2016, 2018, and 2020. The action implementation plans issued at the meetings have also become increasingly systematic and detailed. The Forum “has not only played a political leading role in China-Arab cooperation and promoted mutual political trust between the two sides, but has also broadened cooperation to many areas.”49 As a result, the CASCF mechanism can effectively promote further cooperation between China and Middle East countries in the political, economic, security, and cultural fields.
在合作论坛机制上,推进中阿合作论坛建设。始于2004年的中阿合作论坛旨在加强中国与阿拉伯国家的对话、合作与交流。自党的十八大召开以来,中阿合作论坛相继举行了2014第六届、2016第七届、2018第八届和2020年第九届部长级会议。会议发布的行动执行计划也越来越系统和详细。论坛“不仅对中阿合作发挥了政治引领作用,促进了双方的政治互信,而且拓宽了许多合作领域”。因此,中阿合作论坛机制能够有效地促进中国与中东国家在政治、经济、安全、人文等领域的进一步合作。
China designed its Middle East major country diplomacy after the 18th Party Congress in the face of changes in the world unseen in a century and the upheaval in the Middle East. Guided by the top-level strategic design, China’s Middle East major country diplomacy since the upheaval in the Middle East has achieved fruitful results, and this is closely related to the basic concepts behind China’s Middle East major country diplomacy.
面对世界百年未有大变局和中东剧变的大势,中国在党的十八大以后设计了中国中东大国外交。在顶层战略设计引领下,中东剧变以来的中国中东大国外交取得了丰硕的成果,这与中国中东大国外交基本理念密切相关。
Basic Concepts of China’s Middle East Major Country Diplomacy
中国中东大国外交的基本理念
In 2014, President Xi Jinping proposed that “China must have major country diplomacy with its own characteristics.”50 In June 2018, at the CCP’s Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs, President Xi Jinping once again emphasized that China’s foreign affairs work should “adhere to the ideology of socialist diplomacy with Chinese characteristics in the new era as the guiding principle, and strive to create a new situation of major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.”51 “China has always been a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, and a maintainer of international order.”52 China’s major country diplomacy in the Middle East embodies precisely this assumption of responsibility and reflects China’s constructive major country diplomacy concepts, including the concepts of responsibility, sharing, and rules. The concept of responsibility prompts China to assume the obligations of a major power in Middle East diplomacy and contribute to the peace and development of the region; the concept of sharing prompts China to strengthen cooperation with countries in the Middle East in various fields, so as to build a community of shared interests and a community of common destiny; and the concept of rules prompts China to abide by international law and rules together with the countries of the Middle East, and is the legal assurance that guarantees the smooth implementation of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy. Together, the concepts of responsibility, sharing, and rules constitute a complete conceptual structure for China’s Middle East major country diplomacy.
2014年习近平主席就提出,“中国必须有自己特色的大国外交”。2018年6月,在中共中央外事工作会议上,习近平主席再次强调中国对外工作要“坚持以新时代中国特色社会主义外交思想为主导,努力开创中国特色大国外交新局面”。“中国始终是世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者”。中国中东大国外交正是体现了这种责任担当,体现了中国建设性大国外交理念,包括责任理念、共享理念和规则理念。责任理念促使中国在中东外交中承担大国义务,为中东地区和平与发展贡献力量;共享理念促使中国与中东地区国家在各领域加强合作,打造利益共同体和命运共同体;规则理念促使中国与中东地区国家遵守国际法和国际规则,是保证中国中东大国外交顺利实施的法制保障。责任理念、共享理念及规则理念三位一体,共同构成了中国中东大国外交完整的理念结构。
(1) The Concept of Responsibility
(一) 责任理念
Different countries bear different global responsibilities. As the largest developing country, China has been assuming increasing global responsibilities in the course of its rise, as in “when the Way prevails, the world is shared by all [大道之行,天下为公].” The concept of responsibility in China’s Middle East major country diplomacy refers to China’s willingness to shoulder responsibility for and contribute strength to the peace and development of the Middle East region as far as it is able. In terms of peace in the Middle East, China plays a constructive role. On one hand, it has been actively proposing constructive solutions to Middle East security hotspot issues by urging peace and promoting dialogue. On the Israeli-Palestinian issue, China has taken the initiative to invite key Palestinian and Israeli leaders to visit China. On May 6, 2013, President Xi Jinping put forward China’s four-point proposal for resolving the Palestinian issue during his talks with Palestinian President Abbas in Beijing.53 On May 9, Xi Jinping met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and said that China would continue to maintain an impartial and objective position, work hard to promote a political settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli issue, and contribute to maintaining peace and stability in the Middle East. 54 This was the first time that China had taken the initiative to invite the Palestinian and Israeli leaders to visit China at the same time, indicating that China had actively assumed responsibility for maintaining peace in the Middle East. On the Iranian nuclear issue, China supports a comprehensive agreement on the issue. On July 14, 2015, a comprehensive agreement to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue was reached despite difficulties. As a permanent member of the Security Council, China has participated constructively throughout the process of the Iranian nuclear negotiations. When the negotiations encountered difficulties and reached an impasse, China always began with the common interests of all parties, actively sought new ideas to solve the problems, and put forward China’s proposals.55 Unfortunately, the agreement is facing collapse due to the Trump administration’s withdrawal moves, and as a result the Middle East has been plunged into a more dangerous situation. On the Syrian issue, since the upheaval in the Middle East at the end of 2010, China has been playing a constructive role in promoting a political solution to the issue. It has successively put forward the “six-point proposal,” “four-point initiative,” “five insists,”56 and “four steps”57 with respect to the Syria issue, and has actively participated in the work of urging peace and promoting dialogue.58 On the other hand, China has taken the initiative to assume peacekeeping responsibilities in the Middle East. On September 28, 2015, when attending a peacekeeping summit at the UN headquarters in New York, President Xi Jinping emphasized that China would establish an 8,000-strong peacekeeping standby force and actively participate in peacekeeping operations. 59 China has become a major troop-contributing country and contributor to UN peacekeeping operations, and has formed a hotspot issue resolution path with Chinese characteristics. Between 2006, when China set up its first peacekeeping force in the Middle East—the Lebanese Peacekeeping Engineer Battalion60—and May 2020, 18 contingents of Chinese peacekeeping troops have entered Lebanon, contributing China’s strength to resolve conflicts, ease tensions, and shape peace in the Middle East.
不同的国家承担不同的世界责任。中国作为最大的发展中国家,在崛起过程中不断承担日益增加的世界责任,即“大道之行,天下为公”。中国中东大国外交的责任理念,即指中国在力所能及的范围内愿为中东地区的和平与发展承担责任、贡献力量。在中东和平方面,中国发挥着建设性作用。一方面,在中东安全热点问题上劝和促谈,积极提出建设性方案。在巴以问题上,中国主动邀请巴以双方主要领导人访华。2013年5月6日,习近平主席在北京同巴勒斯坦总统阿巴斯举行会谈时,提出中方关于解决巴勒斯坦问题的四点主张。5月9日,习近平同以色列总理内塔尼亚胡会谈时表示中方将继续秉持公正客观立场,努力推动巴以问题的政治解决,为维护中东地区和平稳定做出贡献。这是中国首次主动邀请巴以双方领导人同一时段访华,表明了中国积极承担维护中东地区和平的责任。在伊朗核问题上,中国支持伊朗核问题全面协议。2015年7月14日,解决伊朗核问题全面协议在艰难中达成。作为安理会常任理事国,中国始终以建设性姿态参与了伊朗核谈判全过程。在谈判遇到困难、陷入僵局时,中方总是从各方的共同利益出发,积极寻求解决问题的新思路,提出中国方案。可惜的是,因特朗普政府的退出行为使该协议面临破产,中东也因此陷入了更加危险的境地。在叙利亚问题上,自2010年底中东剧变以来,中国一直为推动政治解决叙利亚问题发挥建设性作用,先后提出关于叙利亚问题的“六点主张”“四点倡议”“五个坚持”和“四步走”等思路,积极参加劝和促谈工作。另一方面,中国主动承担中东地区的维和责任。2015年9月28日,习近平主席在联合国纽约总部出席维和峰会时强调,中国将组建8000人规模的维和待命部队,积极参与维和行动。中国已成为联合国维和行动的主要出兵国和出资国,并形成具有中国特色的热点问题解决路径。自2006年中国组建首支中东维和部队——黎巴嫩维和工兵营开始,截至2020年5月,已有18批中国维和部队进入黎巴嫩,为中东地区化解冲突、缓和紧张局势、塑造和平贡献中国力量。
In terms of development in the Middle East, China has been actively involved in economic development. In June of 2014, President Xi Jinping pointed out that “China pursues common development. We not only want ourselves to live well, but also want others to live well.”61 In November, President Xi Jinping re-emphasized, “We should effectively implement the correct concept of righteousness and benefit, do a good job in foreign aid, and truly succeed at promoting justice for others and accommodating their interests,”62 Since the upheaval in the Middle East, the economies of the region have stagnated, and “problems that have long plagued West Asian countries, such as people living in poverty, economic stagnation, high unemployment, lack of fairness, institutional rigidity, and corruption of the powerful and wealthy, have led to serious ‘governance deficits’ in the countries of the region.”63 Middle Eastern countries face a difficult transition, with the emergence of problems such as national economic structures that are deeply dependent on traditional energy trade, lack of high-tech industrial systems, and backward agricultural infrastructure. As a result, “many countries in the Middle East are also showing strong demand in many areas, such as infrastructure construction, capacity optimization and upgrading, industrial transformation, and agricultural development.”64 Given Middle Eastern countries’ fragile state of economic development and their economic transformation requirements, China has insisted on contributing to the development of the Middle East, and has always insisted on treating both the symptoms and the root causes. On one hand, “treating the symptoms” means providing humanitarian assistance to Middle Eastern countries to alleviate the negative impacts of economic deterioration on the people. After the Middle East was beset by security difficulties, China gave timely emergency relief supplies or cash to countries in the region in which civil wars had occurred or that had fallen into turmoil, in order to help the people of the war-torn countries weather their difficulties. In January 2016, President Xi Jinping pledged: “To resolve hotspot issues, a ceasefire is the top priority, political dialogue is the fundamental path, and humanitarian relief cannot be delayed. China will provide another 230 million yuan of humanitarian aid to the people of Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, and Yemen this year.”65 On the other hand, “treating the root causes” means providing industrial development assistance to Middle Eastern countries to help them achieve economic transformation. As President Xi Jinping has pointed out, “We shall promote the industrialization of the Middle East and launch production capacity linkage operations … The cost-effectiveness Chinese equipment, coupled with technology transfer, personnel training, and strong financing support, can help Middle East countries establish steel, non-ferrous metals, building materials, glass, automobile manufacturing, power plants, and other urgently needed industries at less cost, fill in industrial gaps, and develop new comparative advantages. The combination of China’s superior production capacity and the Middle East’s human resources can create more and better employment opportunities.”66 In short, even as China achieves national prosperity and strength through rapid economic growth, it has not forgotten its international responsibilities, including those to the development and prosperity of Middle Eastern countries. China will take the path of common prosperity together with the countries of the Middle East. The Middle East is one of the most volatile regions in the world today. Various contradictions and conflicts are intertwined, and there is mutual interaction between conflicts, which are mixed with ethnic issues, religious beliefs, ideologies, national development models, and geopolitical interests, so they are exceptionally difficult to resolve. Achieving regional peace will require not only the efforts and development of the region’s countries themselves, but also external assistance. China is a power that is getting ever closer to the center of the world stage. As such, its national interests have extended to the Middle East region, and the region’s turmoil and chaos harm not only the Middle East itself, but also China and the world. According to the United Nations Charter, one of the powers of the Security Council is to “maintain international peace and security in accordance with the principles and objectives of the United Nations.” As a permanent member of the Security Council, China has the responsibility and obligation to contribute to the maintenance of global and regional peace. In today’s rapidly changing world, the time that it can set aside for the Middle East is limited. If Middle Eastern countries are to successfully complete their economic transformation and boost their level of economic development, they will also need help from external forces. Since the 18th Party Congress, China has provided humanitarian assistance to Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and other troubled countries in the Middle East to the best of its ability, demonstrating China’s firm belief in proceeding from the fundamental interests of the people of the Middle East and contributing China’s strength to the cause of humanitarian assistance to Middle Eastern countries. As a major power among developing countries, China has deep traditional friendships with Middle Eastern countries, and has the historical friendship and responsibility to help them successfully complete the task of transformation and achieve national development. “In their exchanges through time and space, the two peoples of China and Afghanistan have treated each other sincerely, lived in harmony coming and going on the ancient Silk Road, shared their joys and sufferings in the struggle for national independence, and watched over and helped each other on the journey of nation-building.”67
在中东发展方面,中国积极参与经济建设。2014年6月,习近平主席指出:“中国追求的是共同发展,我们既要让自己过得好,也要让别人过得好”。11月,习近平主席再次强调:“要切实落实好正确义利观,做好对外援助工作,真正做到弘义融利”。自中东剧变以来,中东地区的经济陷入停滞状态,“民生凋敝、经济停滞、失业率高、公平缺失、体制僵化、权贵腐败等长期困扰西亚国家的问题使地区国家出现了严重的’治理赤字’”。中东国家面临着艰难的转型,出现国家经济结构深度依赖传统能源贸易、缺乏高科技工业体系以及农业基础设施落后等问题。因此,“中东许多国家在基础设施建设、产能优化升级、工业改造、农业发展等众多方面也表现出强劲的需求”。面对中东国家脆弱的经济发展状态及经济转型需求,中国坚持为中东的发展贡献力量,始终坚持标本兼治。一方面,“治标”即向中东国家提供人道主义援助,缓解中东国家经济恶化给民众带来的消极影响。在中东陷入安全困境后,中国对该地区发生内战或陷入动荡的国家给予及时的紧急救援物资或现汇,以帮助战乱国家人民渡过难关。2016年1月,习近平主席曾承诺:“解决热点问题,停火是当务之急,政治对话是根本之道,人道主义救援刻不容缓。中方今年将再向叙利亚、约旦、黎巴嫩、利比亚、也门人民提供2.3亿元人民币人道主义援助”。另一方面,“治本”即向中东国家进行产业发展援助,帮助中东国家实现经济转型。习近平主席指出,“促进中东工业化,展开产能对接行动……中国装备性价比高,加上技术转让、人才培训、强有力融资支持,可以帮助中东国家花较少的钱建立起钢铁、有色金属、建材、玻璃、汽车制造、电厂等急需产业,填补产业空白,培育新的比较优势。中方优势产能和中东人力资源相结合,可以创造更多更好的就业机会”。总之,中国通过经济的高速增长,实现国家繁荣富强时,并没有忘记应该承担的国际责任,包括中东国家的发展与繁荣责任。中国要与中东国家一起走共同富裕道路。中东地区是当今世界最动荡的地区之一,各种矛盾、冲突交织,且冲突间相互影响,其中掺杂民族问题、宗教信仰、意识形态、国家发展模式和地缘政治利益等,解决起来异常困难。要实现地区和平不仅需要地区内各国自身的努力和发展,而且需要外力助推。中国作为日益走近世界舞台中央的大国,其国家利益已经扩展到中东地区,中东地区的动荡与混乱既损害中东自身,也损害中国与世界。根据《联合国宪章》规定,安理会的职权之一即“按照联合国的原则和目标,维护国际和平与安全”。中国作为安理会常任理事国之一,有责任和义务为维护全球与地区的和平贡献力量。当今世界发展日新月异,世界留给中东时间有限。若要顺利完成经济转型,提升经济发展水平,中东国家也需要来自外部力量的帮助。党的十八大以来,中国向叙利亚、约旦、黎巴嫩等中东动乱国家提供了力所能及的人道主义援助,表明中国从中东人民的根本利益出发,为中东国家的人道主义援助事业贡献中国力量的坚定信念。中国作为发展中国家的大国,与中东国家有着深厚的传统友谊,有帮助中东国家顺利完成转型任务、实现国家发展的历史情谊和责任。“在穿越时空的往来中,中阿两个民族彼此真诚相待,在古丝绸之路上出入相友,在争取民族独立的斗争中甘苦与共,在建设国家的征程上守望相助”。
China’s concept of responsibility for Middle East major country diplomacy is the result of the combined effect of China’s rising comprehensive national power and the expectations of the international community and Middle Eastern countries. As China’s international standing and influence gradually increase, calls from the international community and Middle Eastern countries for China to play a more initiative-taking role in the Middle East have grown louder as well. In this regard, China must respond to the expectations of the international community and countries in the Middle East by assuming responsibility for the region’s peace and development. Assuming the responsibilities of a major power is an important sign that China practices major country diplomacy in the Middle East.
中国中东大国外交的责任理念是中国综合国力提升以及国际社会和中东国家对中国期待的共同作用的结果。随着中国的国际地位和影响力逐渐提高,国际社会和中东国家希望中国在中东地区发挥更加积极主动作用的呼声也随之上升。对此,中国必须对国际社会和中东国家的期待有所呼应一一为中东地区的和平与发展承担责任。承担大国责任是中国在中东地区践行大国外交的重要标志。
(2) The Concept of Sharing
(二)共享理念
The concept of sharing in China’s Middle East major country diplomacy refers to abandoning the “zero-sum game” mindset and working together to build a community of shared interests and a community of common destiny. As a major developing country in the world today, China’s economic achievements have attracted the world’s attention. In 2019, China’s gross domestic product amounted to RMB 9,908.65 billion, an increase of 6.1 percent over the previous year, and it has ranked second in the world for a decade. China’s development is not for its own enjoyment. Rather, it wants to share the fruits of development with the world, especially with the numerous developing countries. As early as 2012 when President Xi Jinping attended the opening ceremony of the World Peace Forum, he emphasized, “If a country wants to seek its own development, it must let others develop; if it wants to seek its own security, it must let others be secure; if it wants to seek its own well-being, it must let others enjoy well-being.”68 In a speech delivered at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations in March 2013, President Xi Jinping pointed out: “The world … is increasingly becoming a highly interdependent community of common destiny.” “Countries and peoples should enjoy dignity together,” “enjoy the fruits of development together,” and “enjoy security together.”69 This was the first time that China put forward to the world at an international occasion the idea of a “community of common destiny” with its concept of sharing. Therefore, the concept of sharing in China’s Middle East major country diplomacy can be reflected specifically in the following three aspects:
中国中东大国外交的共享理念,即指摒弃“零和”博弈思维,共同打造利益共同体与命运共同体。作为当今世界发展中大国,中国取得的经济成就令世界瞩目,2019年,中国国内生产总值达990865亿元人民币,比上年增长6.1%,已持续十年位居全球第二。中国发展起来并不是自己独享,而是要和世界,尤其是和广大发展中国家共享发展成果。早在2012年,习近平主席出席“世界和平论坛”开幕式时就强调:“一个国家要谋求自身发展,必须也让别人发展;要谋求自身安全,必须也让别人安全;要谋求自身过得好,必须也让别人过得好”。2013年3月,习近平主席在莫斯科国际关系学院发表演讲时指出:“这个世界……越来越成为你中有我、我中有你的命运共同体”“各国和各国人民应该共同享受尊严”“共同享受发展成果”“共同享受安全保障”。这是中国首次在国际场合向世界提出具有共享理念的“命运共同体”概念。因此,中国中东大国外交的共享理念可以具体表现为以下三方面:
First is shared dignity. The most fundamental manifestation of shared dignity is respect for national sovereignty. In the international community today, there are differences between countries in terms of territory, comprehensive national power, and international influence, but national sovereignty is an attribute that all modern countries possess. This means that countries are equal. They have the supreme right to govern internally and the right to independence externally, and they have strong exclusivity. Therefore, countries have the right to choose their development paths independently, and interference by any external forces is not permitted. “A country’s development path can only be decided by its people, based on their own historical heritage, cultural traditions, and level of economic and social development.”70 In January 2016, when President Xi Jinping held talks with Iranian President Rouhani, he pointed out that China respects and supports the countries and people of the Middle East in independently exploring the political systems and development paths that suit their national conditions.71
一是共享尊严。共享尊严的最根本体现是尊重国家主权。在当代国际社会,国家之间存在领土面积、综合国力及国际影响力等方面的差异,但国家主权是任何一个现代国家都具有的属性。这意味着国家间是平等的,国家对内拥有最高治理权、对外拥有独立权,具有强烈的排他性。因此,各国有自主选择发展道路的权利,不允许任何外部力量干涉。“一个国家的发展道路,只能由这个国家的人民,依据自己的历史传承、文化传统、经济社会发展水平来决定”。2016年1月,习近平主席同伊朗总统鲁哈尼举行会谈时指出,中方尊重并支持中东地区国家和人民自主探索符合本国国情的政治制度和发展道路。
Second is the shared fruits of development. Here, sharing has two interrelated aspects: On one hand, China welcomes Middle Eastern countries to “free ride” on China’s economic development. The countries of the Middle East have low levels of economic development. They are deficient in infrastructure and lack mature modern industrial systems. China can help Middle Eastern countries improve their levels of economic development through industrial aid, technical assistance, project-based cooperation, and other ways. On the other hand, China can profit from the resource advantages of Middle Eastern countries. In the context of sustained economic development, China’s demand for fossil energy such as crude oil and natural gas has grown dramatically, and it can import the energy resources necessary for its development from Middle Eastern countries. Therefore, there are comparative advantages in the development of both sides, and from those comparative advantages China and the Middle East can form a virtuous cycle development mechanism.
二是共享发展成果。共享包含相互关联的两方面:一方面,中国欢迎中东国家搭乘中国经济发展的“便车”。中东国家存在经济发展水平低、基础设施建设欠缺以及缺乏成熟的现代工业体系等问题,中国可以通过产业援建、技术援助、项目合作等方式帮助中东国家提高经济发展水平。另一方面,中国可以从中东国家的资源优势中获利。在经济持续发展的背景下,中国对原油、天然气等化石能源的需求急剧增长,可从中东国家进口发展所必需的能源资源。因此,这是双方发展中的比较优势,中国和中东可以在比较优势中形成良性循环发展机制。
Third is shared security. Both China and Middle Eastern countries face a series of traditional and non-traditional security issues, including the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, religious extremism, and ethnic separatism. In contemporary times, these issues are not only clearly cross-border in nature, but are also increasingly pervasive, catalyzed by the rapid development of media technology. Hence, no country can solve these problems on its own. Cooperation between countries is needed to cope with them. “Security is not just the state of one country, but also a state of ‘superior coexistence’ among regional actors. It requires enhanced cooperation, collaborative innovation, and a heightened sense of mission and responsibility, so as to jointly cope with the challenges of terrorism.”72
三是共享安全保障。中国与中东国家都面临一系列的传统安全与非传统安全问题,包括大规模杀伤性武器扩散、恐怖主义、宗教极端主义、民族分裂主义等。这些问题在当代不仅具有明显的跨界性,而且在传媒技术飞速发展的催化下,其渗透性日益增强。因此,任何国家都无法依靠自身力量解决这些问题,需要国家间合作来应对。“安全不仅仅只是一国的状态,而且是区域内各行为体之间的’优态共存’,需要加强合作、协同创新、提升使命感与责任感,共同应对恐怖主义挑战”。
China’s concept of sharing is rooted in traditional Chinese culture, which emphasizes that “if poor, you can help yourself alone; become rich, then you can help everyone.”73 A person should have a heart of kindness and compassion, and “if you want to establish yourself, help others establish themselves; if you want to become rich, help others become rich,”74 but do not be insensitive or uncaring. This is the cultural foundation of China’s concept of sharing. Since the 18th Party Congress, the concept of sharing has taken on new connotations under the new conditions of the times: “Sharing means equal development and sharing together with all countries, so that all the world’s countries and their people can enjoy equal opportunities for development and share the fruits of the world’s economic development together.”75 In June 2014, President Xi Jinping pointed out, “Sharing means having the fruits of construction benefit the Chinese and Arab peoples more, and more equitably, creating a Chinese-Arab community of interests and community of common destiny.”76
中国秉持的共享理念根植于中国传统文化,强调“穷则独善其身,达则兼善天下”,做人要有仁爱之心和恻隐之心,要“己欲立而立人,己欲达而达人”,而不能麻木不仁。这是中国提出共享理念的文化根基。党的十八大以来,共享理念在新的时代条件下具有了新的内涵:“共享即各国平等发展、共同分享,让世界上每个国家及其人民都享有平等的发展机会,共同分享世界经济发展成果”。2014年6月,习近平主席指出:“共享,就是让建设成果更多更公平惠及中阿人民,打造中阿利益共同体和命运共同体”。
The concept of sharing is an inevitable product of the conditions of interdependence between China and the Middle East, and is the key to shaping a community of common destiny. Rapid advances in human material technology have made global transportation and interconnection networks more developed and refined, enabling instant connectivity and complete synchronization across continents, regions, and countries. The deepening development of economic globalization has enabled all countries of the world to participate in transnational financial, trade, and sales networks, and it is difficult for any country to be detached from these networks and isolated from the world. In this interdependent world, it is only through sharing that humanity can truly express the value of people as human beings. China and the Middle East are also increasingly interdependent within globalized networks, and it is only through sharing rather than exclusivity that the community of common destiny between China and the Middle East can be shaped.
共享理念是中国与中东国家相互依存条件下的必然产物,是塑造命运共同体的关键。人类物质技术的飞跃式提升使得全球交通、互联网络愈加发达和完善,各大洲、各地区、各国能够实现即时联通和完全同步。经济全球化的深入发展使得世界各国参与到跨国金融、贸易、销售网络中,任何国家都难以超脱这个网络而孤立于世界,只有共享才能使人类在相互依存的世界中真正体现人作为人的价值。中国与中东国家同样在全球化的网络中也逐渐相互依存,共享而不是独享才能塑造中国与中东命运共同体。
Due to historical reasons and their own specific conditions, different countries have experienced different results under the impact of the wave of globalization, resulting in different gaps or even chasms. Changing this situation will require a sharing mindset rather than a zero-sum game mindset. With a zero-sum game mindset, one wants to benefit oneself alone and not work with others, attending only to one’s own security and ignoring the security of others. Therefore, zero-sum game thinking is incompatible with an era of peace and development, and is a “tumor” in the increasingly close international community. The future of the international community is sharing.
不同的国家由于历史原因以及本国的具体情况,在全球化浪潮的冲击下出现不同的结果,造成不同的差距甚至鸿沟。要改变这种状况需要共享思维而不是零和博弈思维。零和博弈思维只想独善其身而不愿共同进退:只关注自身安全而忽视他者安全。因此,零和博弈思维与和平与发展时代格格不入,是日渐紧密的国际社会的“毒瘤”,共享才是国际社会的未来。
Therefore, in the context of the new era, China adheres to the concept of sharing in Middle East diplomacy: Politically, respecting each other and seeking common ground while maintaining differences; economically, complementing each other’s strengths for mutual benefit; and in terms of security, cooperating in order to cope with challenges and ensure that all human beings can share political dignity, economic development benefits, and common security.
因此,在新时代背景下中国坚守中东外交共享理念:政治上彼此尊重,求同存异;经济上优势互补,互利共赢;安全上相互合作,应对挑战,保证全人类共享政治尊严、经济发展成果和共同安全。
(3) The Concept of Rules
(三)规则理念
The concept of rules in China’s Middle East major country diplomacy means that, in its exchanges and cooperation with Middle Eastern countries in various fields, China adheres to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and to international law and rules based on the United Nations Charter. International law and rules have been established over centuries and have withstood the test of time. Therefore, adherence to international law and rules is a fundamental concept that every country today should uphold.
中国中东大国外交的规则理念,即指中国与中东国家在各领域的交流与合作中,坚守“和平共处五项原则”和以《联合国宪章》等为基础的国际法和国际规则。国际法和国际规则的确立历经了数百年,经受了历史考验。因此,遵守国际法和国际规则是当今每个国家应秉承的基本理念。
The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence still have a fundamental guiding role and fresh vitality under the conditions of the new era. In June 2014, when President Xi Jinping participated in a conference commemorating the 60th anniversary of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, he noted the significance of carrying forward the Five Principles in the new situation, including “adherence to sovereign equality, common security, common development, win-win cooperation, inclusiveness and mutual understanding, and fairness and justice.”77 China’s exchanges and cooperation with countries in the Middle East do not come at the cost of infringing any party’s national sovereignty or interfering in the internal affairs of a country, but rather, on the basis of mutual equality and voluntariness, they are aimed at achieving mutual benefits and win-win outcomes by upgrading political and friendly relations, deepening economic and trade cooperation, strengthening security cooperation, and promoting the development of cultural exchanges. In January 2016, the Chinese government issued “China’s Arab Policy Paper,” which made it clear that “China adheres to the development of relations with Arab countries on the basis of the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.”78 The priority of upholding the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence was emphasized in the declarations of the ministerial conferences of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum in both 2016 and 2018.
和平共处五项原则在新的时代条件下依然具有根本指导作用和鲜活的生命力。2014年6月,习近平主席参加和平共处五项原则60周年纪念大会时,提出了新形势下弘扬和平共处五项原则的意义,包括“坚持主权平等;坚持共同安全;坚持共同发展;坚持合作共赢;坚持包容互鉴;坚持公平正义”。中国与中东地区国家的交流与合作并不是以侵犯任何一方的国家主权、干涉国家内政为代价,而是在相互平等、自愿的基础上,通过提升政治友好关系、深化经济贸易合作、加强安全合作以及促进人文交流发展等方式实现互利共赢。2016年1月,中国政府发布的《中国对阿拉伯国家政策文件》明确了“中国坚持在相互尊重主权和领土完整、互不侵犯、互不干涉内政、平等互利、和平共处的五项原则基础上,发展同阿拉伯国家关系”。在2016年和2018年的中阿合作论坛部长级会议宣言中,均强调坚持和平共处五项原则的优先性。
The basic principles of the UN Charter and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence are fundamental rules that all countries in the world need to abide by. In January 2017, President Xi Jinping emphasized in his speech titled “Jointly Building a Community of Common Destiny for Mankind” at the United Nations headquarters in Geneva: “Based on the UN Charter, countries have concluded a series of international conventions and legal instruments in fields such as political security, trade and development, social and human rights, science and technology and health, labor and property rights, and sports and culture. The life of the law lies in putting it into practice. All countries have the responsibility to uphold the authority of the international rule of law, exercise their rights in accordance with the law, and fulfill their obligations in good faith.”79 The declarations signed at the ministerial conferences of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum in 2014, 2016, and 2018 emphasized: “Abiding by the purposes and principles of the UN Charter,” dealing with the Middle East within the framework of UN and international law resolutions, “strengthening dialogue and cooperation within the framework of the United Nations and other international organizations, and promoting the development of the Middle East region in the framework of the United Nations and other international organizations,” “reaffirming the importance of upholding the authority and the leading role of the United Nations in international affairs,”80 and reaffirming unwavering commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, and respect and support for each country’s independent choice of its own path of development and its own social system.”81
《联合国宪章》的基本原则与和平共处五项原则是世界各国需要遵守的根本规则。2017年1月,习近平主席在联合国日内瓦总部发表题为《共同构建人类命运共同体》的演讲时强调:“各国以联合国宪章为基础,就政治安全、贸易发展、社会人权、科技卫生、劳工产权、文化体育等领域达成了一系列国际公约和法律文书。法律的生命在于付诸实施,各国有责任维护国际法治权威,依法行使权利,善意履行义务。”在2014年、2016年及2018年的中阿合作论坛部长级会议所签署的宣言中,均强调“恪守联合国宪章的宗旨和原则”,在联合国决议和国际法决议的框架下处理中东地区问题,“加强在联合国等国际组织框架内的对话与合作,推动多边主义原则,维护联合国的权威和在国际事务中的主导作用的重要性”,“重申坚定捍卫《联合国宪章》宗旨和原则,相互尊重主权和领土完整,互不侵犯,互不干涉内政,尊重和支持各国自主选择发展道路和社会制度”。
There are four main reasons why China’s Middle East major country diplomacy upholds the concept of rules: First, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence are the fundamental guiding principles of China’s foreign relations. They have long been enshrined in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, and the inclusion of these principles in the country’s fundamental law determines their guiding status in China’s foreign relations. These principles serve as a guide for China’s exchanges and contacts with all countries, regions, and organizations in the world. Secondly, practice has proven repeatedly that, in the Middle East, only adherence to international law and rules based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence is conducive to maintaining peace and stability in the region. The Palestinian-Israeli issue has remained a chronic problem in the Middle East to this day. The failure of the two sides, especially Israel with the support of the United States, to comply with international law and rules, and its behavior based on self-interest, is one of the major reasons why this issue has not been properly resolved for so long. Israel started the construction of Jewish settlements in the West Bank of the Jordan River in 1963. In December 2019, the Israeli Defense Minister announced in a statement the approval of a plan to build new Jewish settlements in the Palestinian city of Hebron in the West Bank. The international community considers these illegal settlements a threat to peace and stability in the Middle East.82 If Israel were to abide by international law and rules, stop the expansion of new Jewish settlements, and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Palestine, the gravity of the Palestinian-Israeli problem might be largely alleviated. Again, rules-based governance is conducive to promoting the Middle East’s development. President Xi Jinping has emphasized, “Only the people of a country have the final word as to whether its development path is appropriate or not, just as we do not expect all flowers to be violets.”83 In dealing with the development issues of different countries, we cannot “cut the feet to fit the shoes.” Respecting the development paths chosen by other countries and not interfering in their internal affairs is one of the necessary preconditions for promoting development in the Middle East. Finally, adherence to the concept of rules helps China play a constructive role in the Middle East. Historically, Britain, France, the United States, and other countries have adopted the strategy of violating the sovereignty of Middle Eastern countries, interfering in their internal affairs, and using divide and rule, and have safeguarded their own interests in the Middle East region by installing puppet regimes, seizing oil and gas resources, and occupying strategic sites. Such practices not only jeopardize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Middle Eastern countries, but also hurt the feelings and self-esteem of all their citizens. China treats all countries in the Middle East equally, respects their sovereignty and territorial integrity, does not interfere in their internal affairs, [adheres to] equality and mutual benefits, and develops mutual relations on the basis of compliance with international law and rules. Consequently, China plays a constructive rather than a destructive role in the Middle East. This is why, wherever China goes, it brings with it international rules and peace and development.
中国中东大国外交秉持规则理念的主要原因有四:首先,和平共处五项原则是中国对外关系的根本指导原则,该原则早已写入中华人民共和国宪法,将这一原则写入国家根本大法来确定其在中国对外关系中的指导地位。中国同世界上任何一个国家或地区、组织进行交流交往时,都以该原则作为指导。其次,实践反复证明,在中东地区只有坚持以和平共处五项原则为基础的国际法和国际规则,才有利于维护中东的和平与稳定。时至今日,巴以问题依旧是中东“痼疾”。其中巴以双方,特别是以色列方面在美国的支持下不遵守相关国际法和国际规则,其基于自身利益考量的行为是导致该问题迟迟不能妥善解决的重要原因之一。继1963年以色列在约旦河西岸开始修建犹太人定居点后,2019年12月,以色列国防部长在一份声明中宣布批准约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦城市希伯伦建设新犹太人定居点计划。国际社会认为这些非法定居点对中东和平与稳定构成威胁。若以色列遵守国际法和国际规则,停止扩建新犹太人定居点,尊重巴勒斯坦的主权和领土完整,那么巴以问题的严重性也许能够在很大程度上得到缓解。再次,规则治理有利于促进中东的发展。习近平主席强调:“一个国家发展道路合不合适,只有这个国家的人民才最有发言权。正像我们不能要求所有花朵都变成紫罗兰这一种花”。在对待不同国家发展的问题上,我们不能“削足适履”。尊重其他国家所选择的发展道路、不干涉他国内政是促进中东发展的必然前提之一。最后,坚守规则理念有利于中国在中东发挥建设性作用。历史上,英、法、美等国对中东采取侵犯中东国家主权、干涉内政、分而治之的策略,通过扶植傀儡政权、侵占油气资源及占领战略要地等,维护其在中东地区的私利。这种做法不仅损害了中东国家的主权地位、领土完整,而且伤害了中东国家全体国民的感情与自尊。中国对待中东所有国家一律平等,尊重其主权和领土完整、不干涉其内政、平等互利,并在遵守国际法和国际规则的基础上发展相互关系。因此,中国在中东发挥的是建设性而非破坏性作用。这也是为什么中国走到哪里,国际规则就带到哪里,和平与发展就带到哪里。
The concept of responsibility is the core of China’s concept of Middle East major country diplomacy. It is China’s response to the expectations of the international community and the Middle East for China following the rise in its national strength and international standing. The concept of sharing is the foundation of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy, and is an important guiding principle for China and Middle Eastern countries in achieving common development and building a community of common destiny. The concept of rules is the guarantee of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy. It is an important assurance for China and the Middle East countries to safeguard the inviolability of their respective national sovereignty and interests during exchanges and cooperation in various fields. Based on the concepts of responsibility, sharing, and rules of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy, the roles China plays in that diplomacy are to be a good partner of the Middle East in mutual learning and mutual understanding, a maintainer of peace and stability, a promoter of common development, and a defender of fairness and justice in the Middle East.
责任理念是中国中东大国外交理念的核心,是中国在国家实力和国际地位提升后对国际社会和中东地区对中国期望的回应。共享理念是中国中东大国外交的基础,是中国与中东国家实现共同发展以及共建命运共同体的重要指导原则。规则理念是中国中东大国外交的保证,是中国与中东国家在各领域交流与合作时维护各自国家主权和利益不受侵犯的重要保障。根据中国中东大国外交的“责任”“共享”及“规则”理念,中国中东大国外交中所扮
The Roles Defined for China’s Middle East Major Country Diplomacy
中国中东大国外交的角色定位
“There are two dominant views among international observers on China’s role in the Middle East: “security free rider” and “business seeker.”84 China has in fact become increasingly active in the Middle East, playing the role of a constructive participant. Since the upheaval in the Middle East, and especially since the 18th National Congress of the CCP, President Xi Jinping has elaborated on China’s role in the world on various international occasions: China must build a network of partnerships around the world and be a “builder of world peace,” “a contributor to global development,” “a maintainer of international order,” and “a defender of international fairness and justice.”85 In keeping with this, China in the Middle East should also play the roles of “a good partner in the Middle East for mutual learning and mutual understanding,” “a maintainer of peace and stability in the Middle East,” “a promoter of common development in the Middle East,” and “a defender of fairness and justice in the Middle East.”
“国际观察人士对中国在中东的作用有两种主流观点”:“安全搭便车者”和“商业追寻者”。事实上,中国参与中东事务越来越积极,扮演的是建设性参与者角色。中东剧变,尤其是中共十八大以来,习近平主席在各类国际场合阐述了中国应扮演的世界角色:中国要在世界建设伙伴关系网络,要做“世界和平的建设者”“全球发展的贡献者”“国际秩序的维护者”“公平正义的捍卫者”等。与此相适应,中国在中东地区也应该扮演“中东互学互鉴的好伙伴”“中东和平稳定的维护者”“中东共同发展的推动者”和“中东公平正义的捍卫者”,以适应中国中东大国外交的战略需求。
(1) Good Partner for Mutual Learning and Mutual Understanding in the Middle East
(一) 中东互学互鉴的好伙伴
In today’s world, there are different races, nationalities, and countries, and everyone lives on the same planet. No race, nation, or country should be conceited and disparage other races, nations, and countries. “They may be compared to the four seasons in their alternating progress, and to the sun and moon in their successive shining. All things grow together without injuring one another, their paths running in parallel without collision.”86 President Xi Jinping has emphasized: “The diversity of civilizations is a basic feature of human society. The world today has a population of 7 billion, more than 200 countries and regions, more than 2,500 ethnic groups, and more than 5,000 languages. The different peoples and civilizations are richly varied, each with its own unique contributions. None are superior to others, and they only differ in their characteristics.” Based on considerations of respect for the diversity of peoples and civilizations, we should also establish the concept of mutual learning and mutual understanding. “Everything has its strengths and weaknesses. We should advocate exchanges and mutual learning, draw on all the excellent cultural achievements created by different countries and peoples, complement each other’s strengths, and incorporate the best from everywhere in a joint effort to create a splendid human civilization.”87 In its dealings with Middle Eastern countries, therefore, China has always insisted on the role of partner in mutual learning and mutual understanding.
当今世界存在不同的种族、民族和国家,大家生活在同一个星球上。任何一个种族、民族、国家都不应该唯我独尊,贬损其他种族、民族和国家。“譬如四时之错行,如日月之代明。万物并育而不相害,道并行而不相悖”。习近平主席曾强调:“文明多样性是人类社会的基本特征。当今世界有70亿人口,200多个国家和地区,2500多个民族,5000多种语言。不同民族,不同文明多姿多彩、各有千秋,没有优劣之分,只有特色之别”。基于尊重民族、文明多样性的考虑,我们同样要树立互学互鉴的理念。“尺有所短,寸有所长。我们要倡导交流互鉴,注重汲取不同国家、不同民族创造的优秀文明成果,取长补短,兼收并蓄,共同绘就人类文明的美好画卷”。因此,中国在与中东国家交往的过程中始终坚持彼此成为互学互鉴的伙伴角色,
China’s dealings with countries in the Middle East are a continuation of history. The Western Han Dynasty sent Zhang Qian as an envoy to the Western Region, and thus began the history of China’s interaction with Middle Eastern countries. “By the Sui and Tang dynasties, the Silk Road prospered as never before, with merchants from West Asia, the Middle East, and beyond gathering in the eastern capital of Luoyang and the western capital of Chang’an, and with tens of thousands of Arabs and Jews settling there. Through the Silk Road, ancient Chinese science and technology were transported to all parts of Western Asia along with a great number of commodities, while religions from areas to the west of China, such as Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism, also came to China along the Silk Road and gained many adherents in the Chinese heartland.”88 China and Afghanistan have a splendid and glorious historical tradition of mutual learning and mutual understanding through the ancient Silk Road land route and maritime spice route. Therefore, it is necessary to carry forward and develop this excellent tradition in the new historical period.
中国与中东地区国家的交往是历史的延续。西汉王朝派遣张骞出使西域开始了中国与中东国家交往的历史。“到隋唐时期,丝绸之路空前繁荣,胡商云集东都洛阳和西京长安,定居的阿拉伯人和犹太人数以万计。通过丝绸之路,中国古代的科学技术以及大量商品被运往西亚各地,而佛教、拜火教、摩尼教和景教等中国以西地区的宗教也随着丝绸之路来到中国,获得很多中原人的信仰”。通过古代陆上丝绸之路和海上香料之路,中阿双方有灿烂辉煌的互学互鉴历史传统。因此,在新的历史时期有必要继承并发展这一优秀传统。
Mutual learning and understanding between China and the Middle East have evolved from the physical dissemination of cultural achievements to today’s exchanges of experience and cooperation in governance, as well mutual dependence on each other. The China-Arab Research Center on Reform and Development, initiated by President Xi Jinping, has made China and the Arab states good partners in mutual learning and understanding since its establishment. President Xi Jinping has pointed out, “The China-Arab Research Center on Reform and Development has been functioning well and has become a platform for the two sides to exchange experience in reform and opening up and governance. In the future, the center should be enlarged and strengthened to provide more intellectual support for both sides.”89 Therefore, China is willing to be a good partner for mutual learning and understanding with countries in the Middle East, so that we gain more wisdom and nourishment from each other under the conditions of the new era, and at the same time introduce China’s experience in governance to the Middle East.
时至今日,中国与中东国家之间的互学互鉴已经从文明成果的实物传播发展到双方进行治国理政经验的交流与合作以及彼此的相互依赖。习近平主席倡导成立的中阿改革发展研究中心使中阿双方始终为互学互鉴的好伙伴。习近平主席指出,“中阿改革发展研究中心运作良好,已成为双方交流改革开放、治国理政经验的思想平台。今后,中心要做大做强,为双方提供更多智力支持”。因此,中国愿意做与中东地区国家互学互鉴的好伙伴,在新的时代条件下更多向对方汲取智慧和营养,同时也将中国的治国理政经验介绍给中东。
(2) Maintainer of Peace and Stability in the Middle East
(二) 中东和平稳定的维护者
Conflicts and turmoil in the Middle East are both problems of the Middle Eastern countries themselves and problems of interference by external forces. Big power hegemony in particular is one of the root causes of conflict and turmoil in the Middle East. Western countries, led by the United States, have always practiced the logic of power politics in which big countries control small countries and strong countries dictate to weak countries. In order to maintain its global hegemony after the Cold War, the United States has continuously waged wars and promoted color revolutions in the Middle East. Especially since the Trump government came to power and started “fanning the flames” everywhere in the Middle East, a series of policies has been implemented to stir up the situation in the region: Moving the U.S. Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal, recognizing Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and so on, but also continuing to agitate the Saudis, support Israel’s confrontation with Iran, even issuing irresponsible statements and taking irresponsible actions at will, including assassinations of Iranian intelligence and military leaders. On December 29, 2019, the United States suddenly bombed Iranian bases in Syria and Iraq. During this operation, Qasem Soleimani, the commander of Iran’s overseas intelligence and special operations forces, the Quds Brigade, was killed. On January 5, 2020, Trump again threatened on Twitter that 52 Iranian targets had been identified. These statements and actions have exacerbated the geopolitical conflict in the Middle East. The essence of the Trump administration’s Middle East strategy remains hegemonic logic. In contrast, since China established diplomatic relations with Egypt in 1956, China has always maintained politically friendly relations with all Middle Eastern countries, and played an active role in maintaining peace and stability in the Middle East.
中东地区的冲突与动荡既有中东国家本身的问题,也有来自外部力量的干涉问题。其中,大国称霸是中东地区冲突与动荡的根源之一。以美国为首的西方国家始终操持大国控制小国、强国指挥弱国的权力政治逻辑。冷战后美国为了维护其世界霸权地位,不断在中东地区发动战争并推进颜色革命。尤其是特朗普政府上台以来在中东到处“煽风点火”,实施了一系列搅乱中东局势的政策:将美国驻以色列大使馆从特拉维夫搬迁到耶路撒冷,退出伊朗核协议,承认以色列拥有戈兰高地主权等,还不断鼓动沙特、支持以色列对抗伊朗,甚至随意发出不负责任的言论和采取不负责任的行动,包括暗杀伊朗情报与军方领导人。2019年12月29日,美国突然轰炸叙利亚和伊拉克的伊朗系基地。在这次行动中,伊朗海外情报和特种作战部队“圣城旅”总司令苏莱曼尼 (Qasem Soleimani) 被炸死。2020年1月5日,特朗普在“推特”上又威胁已锁定了52处伊朗目标。这些言行加剧了中东地区的地缘政治冲突。特朗普政府中东战略的本质依旧是霸权逻辑。相比较之下,自1956年中国与埃及建交以来,时至今日中国与所有中东国家始终保持政治友好关系,为维护中东和平稳定发挥积极作用。
Historically, China has suffered from imperialist bullying, and therefore China “has an instinctive rejection of the “power-based nature of Western big power diplomacy, an innate aversion to imperialism, colonialism, and hegemony, and a strong desire for equality, independence, democracy, and inclusiveness in international relations.”90 The Chinese people finally gained hard-won peace and stability after an arduous struggle. Therefore, not only does China itself reject foreign interference, hegemony, and power politics and maintain its own peace and stability, but it also firmly champions the maintenance of peace and stability in the Middle East.
中国历史上曾遭受帝国主义的欺凌,因此中国对“西方大国外交的强权本质有着本能的排斥,对帝国主义、殖民主义、霸权主义有着先天的反感,对国际关系中的平等、独立、民主、包容有着强烈的渴望”。中国人民经过艰苦卓绝的斗争,终于获得了来之不易的和平与稳定。因此,中国不仅本身拒绝外来干涉、霸权主义和强权政治,维护自身的和平与稳定,而且坚决主张维护中东地区的和平稳定。
China’s role as a maintainer of peace and stability in the Middle East is mainly reflected in two ways: First, it respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries in the Middle East, does not interfere in the internal affairs of Middle Eastern countries, and does not invade the Middle East out of self-interest, triggering conflicts and turmoil in the region. Exchanges and cooperation between China and Middle Eastern countries are all based on the norms of international law, for which the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence are fundamental. With regard to the future development of Middle Eastern countries, China maintains that, as sovereign states, they have the right to freely choose their own development paths. Any brutal interference in or trampling on the sovereignty of other countries is bound to cause turmoil and unrest. Secondly, China has always insisted on resolving conflicts in the Middle East through political dialogue, negotiations, and other peaceful means. Communication and dialogueare the only ways to achieve peace and stability, rather than countering violence with violence. “China will participate in regional affairs in a constructive manner, fight for justice, work with Arab states to promote dialogue to find the largest common denominator of the concerns of all parties, and provide more public goods for the proper resolution of regional hotspot issues.”91 China has always played the role of maintainer of peace and stability in the Middle East.
中国是中东和平稳定的维护者角色主要体现在两方面:一是尊重中东地区国家的主权和领土完整,不干涉中东国家内政,不会出于私利侵犯中东,引发中东的冲突与动荡。中国与中东国家间的交流与合作都是建立在以和平共处五项原则为基本的国际法准则基础上。关于中东国家的未来发展问题,中国主张中东各国作为主权国家,有自由选择发展道路的权利。任何对他国主权的粗暴干涉和践踏必将引起动荡和不安。二是始终坚持通过政治对话、谈判等和平方式化解中东地区的矛盾。以暴制暴绝非实现和平稳定的途径,只有沟通与对话才是实现和平稳定的终极出路。“中国将以建设性姿态参与地区事务,主持公道、伸张正义,同阿拉伯国家一道,推动通过对话找到各方关切的最大公约数,为妥善解决地区热点问题提供更多公共产品”。中国始终扮演中东和平稳定的维护者角色。
(3) Promoter of Common Development in the Middle East
(三)中东共同发展的推动者
Today’s international community has long since ceased to be a Hobbesian jungle world. Life-and-death struggle and zero-sum games are no longer the mainstream of the times, and the concepts of peaceful coexistence, common development, and mutual benefits have taken root in people’s hearts. China’s engagement with the Middle East aims to promote the region’s common development and thereby achieve win-win outcomes. As the world’s second largest economy, China hopes that other countries will benefit from its economic development. At the same time, China also benefits from cooperation with developing countries.
当今国际社会早已不是霍布斯式的丛林世界,你死我活、零和博弈已不是时代的主流,和平共处、共同发展与共同受益的观念已深入人心。中国与中东国家的交往是要成为中东共同发展的推动者从而实现共赢。中国作为世界第二大经济体,希望其他国家从中国经济发展中获得发展福利。与此同时,中国也得益于与发展中国家的合作。
Middle Eastern countries have still not been able to extricate themselves from economic development difficulties since the upheaval in the region, but this is also a development opportunity for countries in the region—an opportunity to independently explore development paths and changes in their political and economic systems—so the countries of the Middle East are at a critical moment in their development. At the same time, China has entered a decisive stage in building a well-off society in an all-round way and achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Both China and the countries of the Middle East are at critical points in their national development. Therefore, deepening economic and trade cooperation between the two sides and promoting their common development has become the only way to go.
自中东剧变以来,中东国家的经济发展仍未能摆脱困境,但这也是中东国家的发展机遇:自主探索发展道路和自主探索政治经济体制变革,中东国家面临发展的关键时刻。与此同时,中国当前已进入全面建成小康社会和实现中华民族伟大复兴的决定性阶段。中国与中东国家都处在国家发展的关键节点上。因此,深化双方的经贸合作、推动双方的共同发展成为必由之路。
To this end, China is willing to help Middle Eastern countries build complete industrial development systems, help them promote the industrialization process, and lead them as they set forth on a new cost-effective, people-oriented, and green industrialization path. “The cost-effectiveness of Chinese equipment, coupled with technology transfer, talent training, and strong financing support, can help Middle Eastern countries establish iron and steel, nonferrous metals, building materials, glass, automobile manufacturing, power plants, and other urgently needed industries at less cost, fill in industrial gaps, and cultivate new comparative advantages. The combination of China’s superior production capacity and the Middle East’s human resources can create more and better employment opportunities.”92 An important facet of China’s promotion of common development in the Middle East is facilitating the linkage of China’s development strategies with those of Middle Eastern countries, so that each country can make use of its own strengths and capabilities, and give full play to each other’s potential and strengths in order to promote common economic development. The “1+2+3” [nuclear energy, space satellites, and new energy] cooperation pattern proposed by President Xi Jinping emphasizes that, given the Arab states’ superior location and outstanding energy endowment, and China’s mature infrastructure development and outstanding human resource advantages, the two sides should deepen their cooperation and jointly promote the economic development of the Middle East. What countries in the Middle East need for development is capital, technology, and production capacity, and what China needs to expand its foreign exchange and cooperation is to export capital, technology, and production capacity. Economic cooperation between the two sides is thus mutually beneficial. China is willing to be a promoter of common development in the Middle East, adding momentum to deepening cooperation and common development.
为此,中国愿意帮助中东国家构建完善的工业发展体系,帮助中东国家推进工业化进程,引领中东地区国家走出一条经济、民本、绿色的工业化新路。“中国装备性价比高,加上技术转让、人才培训、强有力融资支持,可以帮助中东国家花较少的钱建立起钢铁、有色金属、建材、玻璃、汽车制造、电厂等急需产业,填补产业空白,培育新的比较优势。中方优势产能和中东人力资源相结合,可以创造更多更好的机会”。中国推动中东共同发展的一个重要方面是促进中国与中东国家实现彼此发展战略对接,各施所长、各尽所能,把彼此的潜能和优势发挥出来,推动经济共同发展。习近平主席提出的“1+2+3”合作格局,强调阿拉伯国家区位条件优越、能源禀赋突出,中国基础设施建设发展成熟、人力资源优势突出,双方应深化合作,共同推进中东地区的经济发展进程。中东地区国家发展需要的是资本、技术和产能,中国扩大对外交流合作需要输出资本、技术和产能,双方的经济合作互利共赢。中国愿意做中东共同发展的推动者,为深化合作和共同发展添加动力。
(4) Defender of Fairness and Justice in the Middle East
(四)中东公平正义的捍卫者
China has always started out by looking at matters on their own merits, without taking sides. It has expressed its position based on the standards of international law and rules, and put forward China’s proposals for solving hotspot issues in the Middle East. On one hand, China has no self-interest in the conflicts among Middle Eastern countries. It does not have any intention, nor will it take any action, to support one side and criticize the other. In the face of the Palestinian-Israeli issue, the Syrian issue, the Iranian nuclear issue, and many other hotspot issues in the Middle East, China will state its attitude based on the merits of the issues themselves. On the other hand, international law and rules based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence are the rules that maintain international fairness and justice. The program that China has put forward on Middle East issues based on international law and rules is a program of international rule-based governance, the core of which is the maintenance of fairness and justice in the Middle East. Therefore, China can be said to be the defender of fairness and justice in the Middle East.
中国一贯从事情本身的是非曲直出发、不偏袒任何一方,以国际法和国际规则为标准表明自身立场,提出解决中东热点问题的中国方案。一方面,中国在中东国家间的冲突中不存在私利,不存在支持一方而打击另一方的意图和行动。面对巴以问题、叙利亚问题、伊朗核问题等诸多中东热点问题,中国会根据问题本身的是非曲直出发表明态度;另一方面,以和平共处五项原则为基础的国际法和国际规则是维护国际公平正义的规则。中国依据国际法和国际规则提出的关于中东问题的中国方案就是国际规则治理方案,其核心是维护中东公平正义。因此,中国可以说是中东公平正义的捍卫者。
To a large extent, the chaos in the Middle East today is due to the divide-and-rule policies of Britain, France, and the United States in the 20th century. After the end of the Cold War, some Western countries, led by the United States and adhering to the Cold War mentality and zero-sum thinking, manipulated the situation in the Middle East through armed invasion, economic control, and cultivation of proxies, aiming to polarize and disrupt the Middle East, constantly create hotspot issues, and benefit in the aftermath. In contrast, China not only has no intention of controlling the Middle East, but also has not acted or sought to fill so-called “vacuums.” The Middle East is located in the “land of five seas and three continents,” and is endowed with extremely rich oil and gas resources. Given the continued development of China’s comprehensive national strength and the rise of its international standing, its interests in the Middle East have inevitably expanded. However, the expansion of its interests does not mean that China has pursued only self-interest like a hegemonic country, or tried to dominate and control the Middle East. Therefore, in the face of the complex situation in the Middle East, China has always been able to take international law and rules as the standard and propose solutions that are not biased toward any side, thus becoming a genuine defender of fairness and justice in the Middle East.
当今中东之乱,很大程度上肇始于20世纪英、法、美等国分而治之的政策。冷战结束后,以美国为首的一些西方国家,秉持冷战思维及零和博弈思维,通过武装入侵、控制经济、培养代理人等方式操控中东局势,旨在分化和搅乱中东,不断制造热点问题,坐收渔翁之利。与之相反的是,中国不仅没有控制中东的意图,也没有行动,更不会寻求填补所谓的“真空”。中东位于“五海三洲之地”,拥有极其丰厚的油气资源。随着中国综合国力不断发展、国际地位不断提升,中国在中东的利益诉求必然扩大。但利益诉求的扩展并不等于中国会像霸权国家一样谋求私利,或试图主导中东和控制中东。因此,面对中东的复杂局势,中国始终能够做到以国际法和国际规则为标准,提出不偏袒任何一方的解决方案,成为名副其实的中东公平正义的捍卫者。
Specifically, on the Palestinian-Israeli issue, China insists on achieving a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in the Middle East on the basis of a “two-State solution.” In accordance with the relevant treaties and agreements, China supports the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination and the right to establish an independent state based on the borders of June 4, 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and supports the obtaining of full-fledged United Nations member status by the State of Palestine.93 On the Syrian issue, China has emphasized the maintenance of Syria’s unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, and strives to seek a political solution in order to protect the lives and security of Syrians.94 On the Iranian nuclear issue, China insists that, as Iran denuclearizes, the international community should respect and protect Iran’s normal economic interests, including safeguarding legitimate economic and trade exchanges with Iran, encouraging further investment in Iran, and allowing Iran to continue to export its oil and gas resources.95 On the issue of counter-terrorism, China opposes all forms of terrorist activities and organizations. At the same time, China opposes linking terrorism to any ethnic group, religion, country, or civilization, and advocates international counter-terrorism cooperation on the basis of mutual respect.96
具体而言,在巴以问题上,中国坚持在“两国方案”基础上实现中东地区公正、全面、持久的和平。根据相应的条约和协议,中国支持巴勒斯坦人民不可剥夺的权利,包括命运自决权和建立以1967年6月4日边界为基础、以东耶路撒冷为首都的独立国家的权利,支持巴勒斯坦国获得联合国完全会员国地位。在叙利亚问题上,中国强调维护叙利亚统一、主权和领土完整,努力寻求政治解决,以保护叙利亚人的生命安全;在伊朗核问题上,中国坚持伊朗无核化的同时,国际社会应当尊重并保护伊朗正常的经济利益,包括维护与伊朗的合法经贸往来、鼓励进一步在伊朗投资,以及允许伊朗继续出口油气资源等。在反对恐怖主义问题上,中国反对一切形式的恐怖活动和恐怖组织。与此同时,中国反对将恐怖主义同任何民族、宗教、国家和文明挂钩,主张在相互尊重的基础上开展国际反恐合作。
In summary, the role of China’s Middle East major country diplomacy has been basically clarified: To become a good partner in the Middle East for mutual learning and mutual understanding, a maintainer of peace and stability in the Middle East, a promoter of common development in the Middle East, and a defender of fairness and justice in the Middle East. Accurate role positioning is also the key reason why China’s Middle East major country diplomacy has made a series of achievements.
综上所述,中国中东大国外交的角色已基本明确:成为中东互学互鉴的好伙伴、中东和平稳定的维护者、中东共同发展的推动者以及中东公平正义的捍卫者。准确的角色定位也是中国中东大国外交取得一系列成就的关键原因。
Major Achievements of China’s Middle East Major Country Diplomacy
中国中东大国外交的主要成就
With its concept of major country diplomacy and by playing a constructive role, China’s Middle East major country diplomacy has achieved fruitful results since the 18th Party Congress: Multi-layered strategic partnerships between the two sides, diversified economic and trade cooperation, dual-track security cooperation, and institutionalized cultural exchanges and cooperation.
在大国外交理念和建设性角色的影响下,党的十八大以来,中国中东大国外交取得的成果丰硕:双方战略伙伴关系多层次化,经贸合作多样化,安全合作双轨化,人文交流合作机制化。
(1) Multi-Level Strategic Partnerships between China and the Middle East
(一)中国与中东战略伙伴关系多层次化
Since the 18th Party Congress, strategic partnerships between China and Middle East countries have been developing steadily, and are characterized by being differentiated and multi-level. In November 2014, President Xi Jinping pointed out that “we should make a wide range of friends and form a network of partnerships across the globe on the premise of adhering to the principle of non-alignment.”97 Guided by this idea, China has steadily developed strategic partnerships with countries in the Middle East. It maintains good relationships with almost all countries in the region,98 including relationships on two levels—partnership and non-partnership. Partnerships comprise three levels: comprehensive strategic partnership, strategic partnership, and comprehensive partnership for innovation. As of May 2020, nine countries in the Middle East had established strategic partnerships with China (see Table 1): Comprehensive strategic partnership countries (first level) are the UAE, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Iran; strategic partnership countries (second level) are Oman, Kuwait, Qatar, and Iraq; and Israel and China have established a “comprehensive partnership for innovation (third level).”99 The strategic partner countries in the Middle East region have different degrees of “pivot country” status in China’s Middle East major power diplomatic strategy. With pivot countries as strategic partners, “China will gain ‘levers’ in the Middle East with which to leverage Middle East affairs, and China will have an important geo-strategic support for promoting Middle East strategy,”100 which is conducive to China’s constructive involvement in Middle East affairs and the protection of China’s interests in the region.
中共十八大以来,中国与中东国家间的战略伙伴关系稳步发展,表现出差序化和多层次化的特点。2014年11月,习近平主席指出:“要在坚持不结盟原则的前提下广交朋友,形成遍布全球的伙伴关系网络”。正是在这一思想的指导下,中国与中东国家间的战略伙伴关系稳步发展,几乎与所有中东国家保持着良好关系,包括伙伴关系和非伙伴关系两个层次,伙伴关系又包括三个层级:全面战略伙伴关系、战略伙伴关系和创新全面伙伴关系。截至2020年5月,与中国建立战略伙伴关系的中东地区国家为9个(见表1):全面战略伙伴关系国是阿联酋、埃及、沙特阿拉伯、伊朗四国,是第一层级;战略伙伴关系国是阿曼、科威特、卡塔尔、伊拉克四国,是第二层级;以色列与中国建立了“创新全面伙伴关系”,属第三层级。中东地区战略伙伴国在中国中东大国外交战略中有着不同程度上的“支轴国家”地位。有了战略伙伴式的支轴国家,“中国在中东就会获得撬动中东事务的’杠杆’,中国推进中东战略就会有一个重要的地缘战略支撑”,有利于中国建设性介入中东事务和保护中国在中东的利益。
Strategic partner relationships are the basis for China to play a constructive role in the Middle East: It is only with partnerships that China and the Middle East can better learn from and understand each other, and that China can have the legitimacy to act as a defender of peace and stability in the Middle East, be more willing to take part in the process of common development in the Middle East as a promoter role, and be more motivated to act as a defender to support fairness and justice in the Middle East.
战略伙伴关系是中国在中东发挥建设性作用的基础。有了伙伴关系,中国和中东才能更好地互学互鉴,中国才具有作为中东和平稳定维护者的合法性,中国才更愿意作为推动者角色参与中东的共同发展进程,中国才更有动力作为捍卫者支持中东公平正义。
Table 1. Middle Eastern countries that have established partnerships with China (as of May 2020)
表1 与中国建立伙伴关系的中东国家(截至2020年5月)
(2) Diversification of China-Middle East Economic and Trade Cooperation
(二)中国与中东经贸合作多样化
China’s economic and trade cooperation with the Middle East is the embodiment of China’s role as a promoter of common development in the Middle East. Traditionally, economic and trade cooperation between the two sides has focused mainly on oil and gas resources, but since 2013, it has increasingly diversified into the “1+2+3” cooperation pattern proposed by President Xi Jinping. Under the guidance of this pattern, China and the Middle East countries have achieved fruitful results in terms of economic and trade cooperation mechanisms.
中国与中东经贸合作是中国作为中东共同发展推动者角色的具体化。传统上,双方的经贸合作主要着眼于油气资源,但2013年以来,双方的经贸合作日益多样化呈现习近平主席提出的“1+2+3”合作格局。在该格局规划的指导下,中国与中东国家在经贸合作机制方面取得了丰硕成果。
1. Energy cooperation has been perfected. First, China’s crude oil import transactions with Middle Eastern countries have increased year by year. From 2013 to 2018, the overall trend in tons of crude oil imports by China from oil-producing countries in the Middle East region has shown steady growth (see Table 2). Second, cooperation in oil exploration, extraction, refining, and other upstream oil sectors has been gradually developed. For example, in December 2015, China National Petroleum Corporation signed a strategic cooperation agreement with Mubadala Petroleum [now Mubadala Energy] of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) that specifically includes cooperation in onshore conventional projects, offshore projects, and liquefied natural gas projects;101 in January 2016, Sinopec set up a technology innovation center in Dharan Techno Valley Science Park in Saudi Arabia;102 in July 2018, BGP Inc. (4P) signed a contract with Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) for physical exploration and acquisition.103 Third, the construction of oil and gas resource channels between China and Middle Eastern countries is being perfected. In 2013, the Abu Dhabi crude oil pipeline project, which plays a positive role in stabilizing the supply of oil and natural gas in the Middle East, was put into operation by China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau.104
第一,能源合作日趋完善。其一,中国与中东地区国家的原油进口交易逐年增长。2013至2018年,中国与中东地区产油国间的原油进口吨数总体呈现稳步增长态势(见表2)。其二,在石油勘探、开采、炼化等石油上游领域合作逐步展开。如2015年12月,中国石油集团同阿联酋穆巴达拉石油公司签署了战略合作协议,具体包括陆上常规项目、海上项目和液化天然气项目等合作;2016年1月,中国石油化工集团有限公司在沙特达朗(Dharan)科技园成立中石化技术创新中心;2018年7月,中国石油东方地球物理勘探有限责任公司(4P)与阿布扎比国家石油公司(ADNOC)签署的物探采集合同。其三,中国与中东国家油气资源通道建设日趋完善。2013年,中石油管道局阿布扎比原油管道项目全部投入运营,该项目对中东地区石油和天然气的稳定供应起到积极作用。
Table 2. China’s crude oil imports from Middle Eastern countries, 2013-2018 (in units of 10,000 tons)
表2 2013-2018年中国从中东国家进口原油数量(单位:万吨)
2. The demonstration effect of project promotion cooperation has been obvious. First, the construction of infrastructure projects by China and countries in the Middle East has developed rapidly in recent years. The Mecca Light Rail project in Saudi Arabia, constructed by China Railway Construction Corporation, has provided 30,000 jobs for Saudi Arabia’s young labor force and more than 2,000 trainings for students of several universities, and will provide training for managers in the future.105 Second, China and Middle Eastern countries have seen rapid development in the construction of power stations and other major projects. In September 2015, PowerChina signed a $230 million contract with Saudi Electricity Company (SEC) for a large-scale power station.106 This has played a positive role in further deepening power cooperation between China and Saudi Arabia and expanding the influence of Chinese power and engineering contracting enterprises in the Middle East.
第二,项目推进合作示范效应明显。其一,中国与中东地区国家的基础设施项目建设近年来发展迅速。中国铁路建设公司承建的沙特麦加轻轨项目为沙特青年劳动力提供了3万个就业岗位,为多所大学的学生提供了2000余人次的培训,今后还将提供管理人员培训。其二,中国与中东国家在发电站等重大项目建设上快速发展。2015年9月,中国电力建设集团与沙特电力公司(SEC)签订2.3亿美元的大型电站合同。这对进一步深化中沙两国电力合作,扩大中国电力及工程承包企业在中东地区的影响起到了积极示范效应。
3. Cooperation in high-tech fields has grown rapidly. In the field of nuclear energy, in August 2017, a joint research project on uranium extraction from seawater between China National Nuclear Corporation’s Beijing Chemical Metallurgy Research Institute and King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology was officially launched. In the field of new energy, the ministers of finance of China and Israel signed a China-Israel clean technology financial cooperation protocol in Beijing in September 2017. According to the protocol, Israel will support the construction of Chinese projects in the field of clean technology and provide China with preferential loans for the introduction of Israeli equipment and technology.107 In the aerospace field, the first China-Arab States BeiDou Cooperation Forum was held in Shanghai in May 2018. China and the Arab states will jointly study satellite navigation application technologies and solutions in the fields of intelligent transportation, land surveying and mapping, precision agriculture, public security, etc., and promote the BeiDou system to serve the economic and social development of Arab countries.108
第三,高新技术领域合作成长快速。在核能领域,2017年8月,中国核工业集团有限公司核化冶院与沙特科技城“海水提铀联合研究项目”正式启动。在新能源领域,2017年9月,中以两国财政部长在北京签署了《中以清洁技术财政合作议定书》。根据该议定书,以色列支持中国的清洁技术领域项目建设,向中国提供优惠贷款引进以色列的装备和技术。在航天领域,2018年5月,第一届中阿北斗合作论坛在上海召开。中阿双方将共同研究卫星导航在智能交通、国土测绘、精准农业、公共安全等领域的应用技术和解决方案,促进北斗系统服务于阿拉伯国家经济社会发展。
4. Negotiations on the construction of free trade areas have made positive progress. As of July 2019, three free trade areas (FTAs) had been negotiated between China and Middle Eastern countries, namely the China-GCC FTA, the China-Israel FTA, and the China-Palestine FTA.109 In February 2016, the sixth round of negotiations on the China-GCC FTA was completed in the Saudi capital, Riyadh,110 and in January 2019, the first round of negotiations on the China-Palestine FTA was held in the provisional Palestinian capital, Ramallah.111 In May, the sixth round of negotiations on the China-Israel FTA was held in Beijing.112 “The FTA negotiations involve trade in goods and trade in services, including government procurement, technical cooperation, standardization and many other complex contents,”113 but all parties are still actively promoting the negotiation process and making positive progress.
第四,自由贸易区建设谈判取得积极进展。截至2019年7月,中国与中东国家谈判的自由贸易区为3个,分别是中国一海合会自由贸易区、中国一以色列自由贸易区以及中国一巴勒斯坦自由贸易区。2016年2月,中海自由贸易区在沙特首都利雅得完成第六轮谈判,2019年1月,中巴自由贸易区在巴勒斯坦临时首都拉马拉举行首轮谈判。5月,中以自由贸易区在北京进行第六轮谈判。“自贸区谈判涉及货物贸易、服务贸易,包括政府采购、技术合作、标准化等众多复杂内容”,但各方仍积极推动谈判进程,并取得积极进展。
5. The construction of industrial parks has expanded. Industrial parks refer to large tracts of land developed “for simultaneous use by a number of enterprises to facilitate their geographical proximity and sharing of infrastructure.”114 “Enterprises entering an industrial park can not only share infrastructure and various services, but may also reduce logistics costs and even transaction costs due to the geographic proximity of supporting or cooperating enterprises.”115 China’s construction of industrial parks in Middle Eastern countries aims to promote exchanges and cooperation between the two sides in the policy, economic and trade, and social and cultural fields through the development of local infrastructure construction, agricultural and mining resource development, high-tech industry, medical industry, etc., by resident Chinese enterprises. The China-Egypt Suez Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone is a key project in China’s “Going Global” strategy. By the end of 2018, the project had exceeded $1 billion in actual investment, paid more than 1 billion Egyptian pounds in taxes, directly met the employment needs of more than 3,500 people, and trained and made available a number of excellent management personnel and technical staff for Egypt.116 The Suez Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone provides a model for the construction of cooperation zones. It plays an active role in the Belt and Road Initiative through effective linkage with the development strategies of other countries. In addition, in April 2019, Guangdong Evergreen Group Co., Ltd. signed a contract with Saudi company Falcon Vision for an aquaculture industrial park in Saudi Arabia. After completion, the industrial park will greatly promote the development of Saudi Arabia’s aquaculture industry, provide high-quality aquatic products for Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries, benefit the Saudi people, and contribute to Saudi Arabia’s “Vision 2030” plan.117
第五,产业园区建设不断扩展。产业园区是指开发大片土地“供一些企业同时使用,以利于企业的地理邻近和共享基础设施”。“企业进入产业园区不仅可以共享基础设施和各类服务,还可能因配套企业或合作企业的地理邻近而降低物流成本甚至交易成本”。中国在中东国家建设产业园,旨在通过入驻的中资企业发展当地的基础设施建设、农矿资源开发、高新技术产业、医疗产业等,促进双方在政策、经贸、社会、文化等方面的交流与合作。中埃苏伊士经贸合作区是中国“走出去”战略的重点项目。截至2018年底,该项目实际投资额超10亿美元,上缴埃及税收超10亿埃镑,直接解决就业3500余人,为埃及培训和储备了一批优秀的管理人才和技术员工。苏伊士经贸合作区为合作区建设树立了典范,在“一带一路”倡议有效对接他国发展战略中发挥积极作用。除此之外,2019年4月,广东恒兴集团有限公司同沙特猎鹰愿景公司签订了沙特渔业产业园合同。该产业园建成后将极大地促进沙特水产业的发展,为沙特以及海湾国家提供优质水产品,造福沙特人民,助力沙特“2030愿景”规划。
6. The construction of financial cooperation mechanisms has grown rapidly. In December 2015, China and the UAE signed a memorandum of understanding on an investment cooperation fund, with the two sides seeking to invest in a variety of fields, including conventional and renewable energy, infrastructure, science and technology, and advanced manufacturing.118 Going from traditional economic and trade project cooperation to the establishment of a China-UAE investment fund represents an important step for deepening economic cooperation between the two countries in the new era, which is of strategic significance for cooperation on the Belt and Road Initiative. In addition, the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank (AIDB) and the China-Arab States Bank Consortium have played a positive role in establishing a long-term, stable, and mutually beneficial financial partnership between China and the Arab states, and have provided important financial support for China-Arab state cooperation in various fields. As of May 2020, the UAE, Oman, Egypt, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Jordan, Israel, Iran, Bahrain, and Lebanon were all members of the AIDB.119 This not only strengthens bilateral financial exchanges and cooperation between countries and effectively coordinates their development plans with the Belt and Road Initiative in the financial field, but also enables them to obtain funds through the AIDB to promote the construction of infrastructure projects in their respective countries.
第六,金融合作机制建设成长迅速。2015年12月,中国和阿联酋签署了投资合作基金备忘录,双方寻求在常规和可再生能源、基础设施、科技与先进制造等多个领域进行投资。从传统的经贸项目合作到设立中阿投资基金,代表了新时期两国深化经济合作的重要举措,这对配合“一带一路”倡议具有重要战略意义。另外,亚投行和中国一阿拉伯银行联合体对中阿双方建立长期稳定、互利共赢的金融合作关系起到积极作用,而且为中国与阿拉伯国家间的多领域合作提供了重要的金融支撑。截至2020年5月,阿联酋、阿曼、埃及、科威特、卡塔尔、沙特、土耳其、约旦、以色列、伊朗、巴林、黎巴嫩均是亚投行成员国。这不仅能够加强国家间金融的交流合作,在金融领域有效协调本国发展规划与“一带一路”倡议,而且能够通过亚投行获得资金,推动各国基础设施项目建设。
Economic and trade cooperation between China and the Middle East has gradually gone from traditional single-commodity trade to industrial cooperation, technical cooperation, and financial cooperation. From the viewpoint of industrial cooperation, the two sides have formed their own industrial systems in different areas of trade in goods, and China is helping Middle Eastern countries achieve industrial upgrading. From the perspective of technical cooperation, the two sides seek to deepen cooperation in clean energy and alternative energy technologies in order to take more initiative in the future, and China is helping countries in the region achieve technological innovation. In terms of financial cooperation, if the Middle East countries are to feel more assured, they need cooperation in the exploitation of petrochemical energy, mastery of advanced extraction technology, and a solution to the problem of energy funding. On the other hand, technology and capital are precisely the advantages China has for helping the Middle East. In addition, the petro-yuan and the central bank’s digital currency (DCEP) will be conducive to financial cooperation between the two sides and the enhancement of China’s financial role. With the accelerating internationalization of the yuan, the petro-yuan has been launched. “The establishment of the petro-yuan will expand the application of the yuan in international settlements based on international trade in oil, and will drive the implementation of yuan settlement in other international trade areas, establish a mechanism for the circular flow of the yuan in the international monetary and financial systems, and boost the yuan’s internationalization.”120 And the DCEP, which had already been proposed by the People’s Bank of China in 2014, is in the works.
中国与中东经贸合作从传统的单一货物贸易,逐渐走向产业合作、技术合作以及金融合作。从产业合作来看,双方在不同货物贸易领域形成了各自的产业体系,中国帮助中东国家实现产业升级换代。从技术合作来看,双方谋求清洁能源和替代性能源技术方面的深化合作,以求在未来占据更多的主动权,而中国帮助中东国家实现技术革新。从金融合作来看,只有通过合作开采石化能源、掌握先进开采技术以及解决能源资金问题,才能让中东国家更加安心,技术、资金正是中国帮助中东的优势。另外,石油人民币和央行数字货币(DCEP)有利于双方金融合作和中国金融角色地位的提升。随着人民币国际化进程的加速,石油人民币已经启动。“石油人民币的建立,将依托石油的国际贸易扩大人民币在国际结算中的应用,并带动其他国际贸易领域实施人民币结算,建立人民币在国际货币体系和金融体系的循环流动机制,助推人民币国际化水平。”而2014年中国人民银行就已提出的数字货币(DCEP)已箭在弦上。
(3) Dual-Tracking of Non-Traditional Security Cooperation between China and the Middle East
(三)中国与中东非传统安全合作双轨化
China’s cooperation with the Middle East on responding to non-traditional security threats has moved from single-track to dual-track cooperation with both official and civil channels. This fully reflects China’s role as a maintainer of peace and stability in the Middle East. In addition to traditional security threats, the Middle East is also subject to non-traditional security threats. Since the upheaval in the Middle East in late 2010, non-traditional security threats in the Middle East have mostly included piracy in the Gulf of Aden and the “three forces” (terrorism, separatism, and extremism), with official cooperation being the main way for coping with them. Piracy in the Gulf of Aden has had a serious impact on the security of oil and gas sea lanes in the Middle East. From December 2008, when China first participated in escort missions in the Gulf of Aden and Somali waters, through to May 2020, China had dispatched a total of 35 escort formations, which have accomplished their escort missions well and ensured the smooth flow of the Maritime Silk Road’s key corridors.121 The “three forces” are the primary security threats to people in the Middle East. At the same time, China has also targeted these “three forces” for resolute attack. Also, the “Eastern Turkestan” terrorist forces represented by the “Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement” have used the Middle East as their base, posing a huge threat to the safety of Chinese embassies and diplomats in Middle Eastern countries. Therefore, there is great potential for cooperation between China and the Middle East in combating the “three forces.” Specific measures include joint counter-terrorism exercises, transnational operational training for police personnel, establishment of a joint crisis early warning mechanism, and the curbing of extremist ideology. For example, in April 2016, during the Fifth Foreign Ministers’ Meeting of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, Turkish Foreign Minister Çavuşoğlu and Foreign Minister Wang Yi reached an agreement on effectively strengthening the two countries’ cooperation on counter-terrorism and security, combating the “Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement,” and curbing illegal migration. In October 2016, China and Saudi Arabia held their first joint counter-terrorism training. In November 2016, May 2018 and June 2019, China held three consecutive sessions of the Great Wall International Forum on Counter-terrorism, at which representatives from Egypt, Jordan, Israel and other Middle Eastern countries explored and shared effective measures for combating the threat of terrorism.122
中国与中东应对非传统安全威胁从单轨合作走向双轨合作,即官方和民间两种渠道,这充分体现出中国作为中东和平稳定维护者的作用。中东除受到传统安全威胁以外,更多是受非传统安全威胁。自2010年末中东剧变以来,中东地区的非传统安全威胁主要有亚丁湾海盗和“三股势力”(即恐怖主义、分裂主义和极端主义),应对的方式主要采用官方合作方式。亚丁湾海盗严重影响了中东油气海上通道安全。中国自2008年12月首次参与亚丁湾、索马里海域护航任务以来,截至2020年5月,中国已派遣共35批次护航编队,很好地完成了护航任务,保证了“海上丝绸之路”关键通道的畅通。“三股势力”是中东各国民众面临的首要安全威胁。与此同时,中国也将这“三股势力”作为坚决打击的目标,且以“东伊运”为代表的“东突”恐怖势力以中东地区作为根据地,使中国驻中东国家使馆和外交人员安全受到巨大威胁。因此,在打击“三股势力”方面,中国与中东国家的合作潜力巨大,具体措施包括联合反恐演习、跨国警务人员业务培训、建立联合危机预警机制以及遏制极端思想等。如2016年4月,在亚信第五次外长会议期间,土耳其外长恰武什奥卢与王毅外长就切实加强两国反恐安全合作、打击“东伊运”、遏制非法移民等问题达成一致。2016年10月,中国与沙特举行首次反恐联合训练。2016年11月、2018年5月和2019年6月,中国已连续举办3届“长城”反恐国际论坛,其中有来自埃及、约旦、以色列等中东国家的代表,共同探寻和分享打击恐怖主义威胁的有效举措。
The outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic at the end of 2019 led to the dual-tracking of China’s non-traditional security cooperation with Middle Eastern countries, the results of which have been fruitful. Dual-tracking means that the official and private sector tracks run in parallel. The first is the official track. It can be divided into two phases: In the first phase, mainly after the outbreak of the epidemic in China, Middle Eastern countries provided support and assistance to China. Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Israel, and Qatar “provided emergency medical supplies to China.” In the second phase, after the COVID-19 epidemic in China was basically under control, China returned the favor to the Middle Eastern countries. “China sent emergency medical teams, assisted with ventilators and masks, set up a COVID-19 testing center, donated epidemic prevention manuals, held a video conference on epidemic prevention, introduced its experience in fighting the epidemic, and provided medical assistance to Middle Eastern countries.”123 On March 25, 2020, during the critical period in Iran’s fight against the epidemic, the Chinese government provided emergency medical supplies to Iran, the country in the Middle East where the epidemic was most severe, effectively alleviating the difficulties of Iran’s shortage of medical supplies.124 On March 26, China held a video conference with health officials and experts from 16 countries in the Middle East region as well as the GCC, with the aim of exchanging information, deepening cooperation in the fight against the epidemic, and working together to safeguard regional and global health security. The video conference was jointly hosted by the Department of Asian and African Affairs of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the International Department of the National Health Commission, with assistance from Chinese embassies in West Asia and North Africa. 125
2019年底暴发的新冠肺炎疫情,使中国与中东国家的非传统安全合作走向双轨化,合作成果丰硕。双轨化即官方和民间轨道并行。一是官方轨道,分为两个阶段:第一阶段,主要是在中国暴发疫情后,中东国家对中国提供支持和帮助。伊朗、沙特、阿联酋、埃及、以色列和卡塔尔等国向“中国提供了紧急医疗物资”。第二阶段,在中国新冠疫情得到基本控制后,中国回报中东国家的帮助。“中国派出紧急医疗队、援助呼吸机和口罩,建立新冠肺炎检测中心,赠送防疫手册,召开防疫视频会议,介绍抗疫经验,向中东国家提供医疗援助。”2020年3月25日,在伊朗抗疫关键时期,中国政府向中东疫情最严重的伊朗援助紧急医疗物资,有效缓解了伊朗医疗物资短缺的困难。3月26日,由中国外交部亚非司和国家卫生健康委国际司共同主办,在中国驻西亚北非地区国家使馆提供协助下,中国与中东地区16个国家及海合会卫生官员和专家举行视频会议,旨在通过交流信息、深化抗疫合作,共同维护地区和全球卫生安全。
The second is the private sector track. Guided by cooperation and exchanges at the official level, Chinese private sector groups have made important contributions to the fight against the epidemic in Middle Eastern countries. On March 25, Chinese-funded enterprises and overseas Chinese in Turkey donated a total of 65,200 masks, 10,000 pieces of surgical headgear, and 5,000 surgical gowns to Turkey;126 the Sichuan Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai donated a total of 220,000 masks to Iran, and the Islamic Association of Shanghai donated a total of RMB 100,000 worth of medical equipment to Iran. Shanghai enterprises such as Ctrip, 54Traveler and China Resources C’estbon Beverage donated more than 500,000 masks to Iran,127 and a large number of medical supplies were donated by the Jack Ma Foundation and the Alibaba Foundation to 54 African countries,128 including North African countries, to help them fight the COVID-19 outbreak.
二是民间轨道,在官方层面合作与交流的指导下,中国民间团体向中东国家抗疫做出了重要贡献,3月25日,在土耳其的中资企业和华人华侨向土耳其共捐赠65200个口罩、10000个手术头套、5000件手术服,上海市四川商会共向伊朗捐赠了22万只口罩,上海伊斯兰教协会向伊朗捐赠了价值10万元的医用口罩,携程、稻草人旅行和怡宝等上海企业共向伊朗捐赠了超过50万只口罩,由马云公益基金会和阿里巴巴公益基金会向54个非洲国家捐赠的大量医疗物资,其中也包括北非国家,以帮助它们抗击新冠肺炎疫情。
The dual-tracking of non-traditional security cooperation between China and the Middle East breaks past the single-dimensional nature of cooperation at the official level to form a dual-track mode of cooperation with official guidance and carried out by both the governmental and private sector. This makes up for the shortcomings of official cooperation on the one hand, and on the other hand makes cooperation more flexible. Compared with the more programmed official cooperation, private sector cooperation is more flexible, and appropriate cooperation strategies can be formulated and cooperation methods can be changed according to the specific situation, thus making the cooperation more effective. This has provided inspiration for China and Middle East countries to carry out dual-track cooperation in other non-traditional security areas.
中国与中东非传统安全合作双轨化突破了官方层面合作的单一性,形成以官方为指导,官民并举的双轨合作形式。这一方面弥补了官方合作的不足,另一方面也使得合作的方式更加灵活。相比较程序化的官方合作,民间合作更具弹性,能够根据具体情况制定相应的合作策略、改变合作方式,进而使合作效果更佳。这为中国与中东国家在其他非传统安全领域开展双轨化合作提供了启示。
(4) Institutionalization of Cultural Exchanges between China and the Middle East
(四)中国与中东人文交流机制化
If China and the Middle East are to become good partners in mutual learning and mutual understanding, they need to make breakthroughs in the field of cultural exchanges. With the rising tide of political, security, and economic relations between China and the Middle East, cultural exchanges between the two sides have increased. Cultural exchanges between China and Middle Eastern countries have clearly strengthened since 2013. The 2014 Beijing Declaration of the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the CASCF states that it “welcomes 2014-2015 as the Year of China-Arab Friendship, which will enhance understanding and friendship between the Chinese and Arab peoples through the development of cooperative activities in various fields, such as economy and trade, culture, education, science and technology, journalism, health, youth, and women.”129 In both the 2016 Doha Declaration of the Seventh Ministerial Conference of the CASCF and the 2018 Beijing Declaration of the Eighth Ministerial Conference of the CASCF, the action goals in humanities fields have been increased compared to the previous ones, with 10 and 15 entries, respectively, and the division of action goals has become more detailed, with a greater number of humanities fields involved, such as scientific research and education.130 On July 6, 2020, the Ninth Ministerial Conference of the CASCF was held virtually, with the theme of “Joining Hands to Build a China-Arab Community of Common Destiny for the New Era.” The meeting produced the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum 2020-2022 Action Implementation Plan, which elaborates on China-Arab cooperation in broad areas of cultural exchanges. The rich and varied content includes cooperation in tourism, human resource development, intellectual property rights, cultural cooperation, and dialogue of civilizations, as well as cooperation in the fields of libraries and information, education and scientific research, health and social development, journalism, the private sector, women, youth and sports, sustainable development, and population policy.131 Humanities exchanges have evolved from the occasional introduction of history and culture and lauding of cultural achievements to fixed and organized exchanges. At present, the institutionalization of cultural exchanges between China and the countries of the Middle East is mainly manifested in the holding of regular conferences on dialogue of civilizations, the building of cooperative research centers, and construction of Confucius Institutes.
中国与中东要成为互学互鉴的好伙伴,就需要在人文交流领域获得突破。随着中国与中东国家政治、安全和经济关系日益深化,双方人文交流也水涨船高。2013年以来,中国与中东国家人文交流明显加强。2014年的《中国一阿拉伯国家合作论坛第六届部长级会议北京宣言》指出,“欢迎2014年至2015年为中阿友好年,通过开展经贸、文化、教育、科技、新闻、卫生、青年、妇女等各领域合作活动,增进中阿人民之间的了解和友谊”。2016年的《中国一阿拉伯国家合作论坛第七届部长级会议多哈宣言》和2018年的《中国一阿拉伯国家合作论坛第八届部长级会议北京宣言》中,有关人文领域的行动目标条目较往届相比都有所增加,分别为10条和15条,且行动目标划分更为详细,较多地涉及科研、教育等人文领域。2020年7月6日,中国一阿拉伯国家合作论坛第九届部长级会议以视频方式举行,其主题是:携手打造面向新时代的中阿命运共同体。此次会议发表了《中国一阿拉伯国家合作论坛2020年至2022年行动执行计划》,该计划详细阐释了中阿双方在人文交流宽领域的合作,包括旅游合作、人力资源开发合作、知识产权合作、文化合作和文明对话、图书馆和信息领域合作、教育和科研合作、卫生和社会发展合作、新闻合作、民间合作、妇女合作、青年和体育合作、可持续发展合作、人口政策合作等丰富内容。人文交流已经从偶然的历史文化介绍、文明成果宣讲向固定化、组织化的交流发展。目前,中国与中东地区国家间的人文交流机制化主要表现为:定期举办文明对话会议、建设合作研究中心及建设孔子学院。
First is the holding of conferences on dialogue among civilizations. In June 2013, the Fifth Seminar on China-Arab State Relations and China-Arab Civilization Dialogue was held in Urumqi, Xinjiang. The seminar emphasized that the Chinese and Islamic civilizations are treasures of human civilization and have made great contributions to the civilizational progress of human societies, and that the continuous deepening of the concepts of peace, inclusiveness, understanding, and dialogue among civilizations can help to promote exchanges and mutual understanding between China and the Arab states and their peoples, and is helpful for jointly maintaining the diversity of world cultures and expanding China-Arab cooperation.132 In August 2017, the China-Arab Dialogue of Civilizations and Roundtable on Eradicating Extremism was held in Chengdu, bringing to fruition the proposal for a China-Arab conference on dialogue of civilizations and eradicating extremism put forward by President Xi Jinping during his visit to the headquarters of the Arab League in 2016. The main topics of the conference were “Dialogue of Civilizations in the Context of the Belt and Road Initiative” “Eradicating Extremism,” “Golden Mean (Doctrine of the Mean) Thought in Chinese and Arab Civilization,” and “Respecting and Protecting Diversity.” At the conference, in-depth discussions were held on how to cut off the spread of extremist ideas through the Internet, social media, etc., and a consensus was reached on promoting positive reporting in the field of eradicating extremism on both sides, facilitating interaction among religious communities, and further promoting the philosophy of moderation and the golden mean.133 In December 2019, the 8th Seminar on China-Arab State Relations and China-Arab Dialogue of Civilizations was held in Morocco. At the seminar, the issues of “Using Soft Power Diplomacy to Promote a Culture of Peace,” “The Role of Sustainable Development in Promoting a Culture of Peace,” “Promoting Cultural Diversity” and “Using Traditional and Modern Means of Communication to Oppose Terrorist Violence and Extremist Ideologies” were discussed in depth.134
一是举办文明对话会议。2013年6月,第五届中阿关系暨中阿文明对话研讨会在新疆乌鲁木齐举行,会议强调中华文明和伊斯兰文明都是人类文明宝库中的瑰宝,对人类社会文明进步做出了巨大贡献,不断深化不同文明之间和平、包容、理解和对话理念有助于促进中国和阿拉伯国家及其人民之间的交流互鉴、有利于共同维护世界文化的多样性、有助于拓展中阿合作关系。2017年8月,中阿文明对话暨去极端化圆桌会议在成都举办,落实习近平主席2016年访问阿盟总部时提出的中阿文明对话与去极端化会议动议。会议的主要议题是“’一带一路’背景下的文明对话”“去极端化”“中阿文明中的中正(中庸)思想”“尊重和保护多样性”等,会议就如何切断极端思想通过网络、社交媒体等散布蔓延等问题进行了深入讨论,并就促进双方去极端化领域的正面报道、推动宗教界的交往和进一步弘扬温和中正理念达成共识。2019年12月,第八届中阿关系暨中阿文明对话研讨会在摩洛哥召开,会议就“利用软实力外交弘扬和平文化”“可持续发展对弘扬和平文化的作用”“促进文化多样性”“运用传统和现代传播手段反对恐怖暴力和极端思想”等议题展开深入讨论。
Second is the establishment of the China-Arab States Research Center on Reform and Development and holding the China-Arab States Forums on Reform and Development. In January 2016, Xi Jinping initiated the establishment of the China-Arab States Research Center on Reform and Development, and the Center was formally established in April 2017. The research center is committed to integrating external exchanges, joint training, think tank consulting, and other functions as a world-class think tank and thought exchange platform.135 The Center holds the China-Arab States Forum on Reform and Development every year, in which government officials, experts, and scholars from China and Arab countries exchange their experiences in governance, and explore China’s path and the development paths of Arab states, and promoting construction of the China-Arab “Belt and Road,” among other topics. At the first China-Arab States Forum on Reform and Development, held in Beijing in April 2018, in-depth discussions were conducted on these topics.136 In April 2019, the second China-Arab States Forum on Reform and Development was held in Shanghai under the theme of “Building the ‘Belt and Road’ and Sharing Development and Prosperity,” and discussions were held on “Policy Communication,” “Deepening Cooperation,” and “Think Tank Exchanges.”137
二是成立中阿改革发展研究中心,举办中阿改革发展论坛。2016年1月,习近平倡议建立中阿改革发展研究中心,2017年4月,中阿改革发展研究中心正式成立。该研究中心致力于集对外交流、联合培养、智库咨询等功能为一体的世界一流智库和思想交流平台。该中心每年举办“中阿改革发展论坛”,来自中国和阿拉伯国家的政府官员与专家学者交流治国理政经验、中国道路同阿拉伯发展道路的探索、推进中阿“一带一路”建设等议题。2018年4月,在北京举行的首届中阿改革发展论坛就这些议题进行了深入探讨。2019年4月,在上海举办的第二届中阿改革发展论坛的主题是“共建’一带一路’,共享发展繁荣”,并就“政策沟通”“深化合作”“智库交流”展开探讨。
Third is the promotion of cultural exchange through Confucius Institutes. Confucius Institutes have become an important platform for cultural exchanges between China and foreign countries. Since 2013, the implementation plans announced by the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum have all emphasized “supporting training programs for Chinese language teachers in Arab countries by opening Confucius Institutes in Arab countries and other means.” As of June 2019, China had set up 17 Confucius Institutes and 3 Confucius Classrooms in 9 countries in the Middle East.138
三是通过孔子学院促进人文交流。孔子学院已成为中外文化交流的重要平台。2013年以来,中阿合作论坛所公布的执行计划均强调“通过在阿拉伯国家开设孔子学院等方式,支持阿拉伯国家汉语教师的培养计划”。截至2019年6月,中国在中东9国设立了17所孔子学院、3个孔子课堂。
In July 2019, the Confucius Institute Headquarters and the Ministry of Education of the UAE signed a “Memorandum of Understanding on Integrating the Chinese Language into the Primary and Secondary Education System of the UAE,” making the UAE the first Arab and Middle Eastern country to incorporate Chinese into the national education system.139 This will have a positive impact on language and cultural exchanges between China and the UAE, and will play an important role as a model for Chinese language teaching in the Middle East and around the world. China’s opening of Confucius Institutes and Classes in Middle Eastern countries helps people in the Middle East understand China’s history, culture, current development situation, and development concepts. Confucius Institutes have become important nodes and cultural links between China and the Middle East.
2019年7月,孔子学院总部与阿联酋教育部签订《关于将汉语纳入阿联酋中小学教育体系谅解备忘录》,标志着阿联酋成为第一个将汉语纳入国民教育体系的阿拉伯国家和中东国家。这对中阿两国间的语言文化交流产生了积极影响,且将对中东和世界的汉语教学发挥重要示范作用。中国在中东国家开设孔子学院/课堂,有助于让中东地区民众了解中国的历史文化、发展现状和发展理念。孔子学院已成为连接中国与中东地区国家的重要节点和文化纽带。
Conclusion
结语
Since the upheaval in the Middle East in 2010, China’s diplomacy entered a turning point stage in the implementation of major-country diplomacy. As China’s national strength and international standing have increased, calls for China’s participation in Middle East affairs by the international community and countries in the Middle East region have gradually grown louder. In the face of the complex security situation and the need for stability and development in the region following the upheaval in the Middle East, China, on the basis of a series of principled consensuses on the development of mutual relations with the countries of the Middle East region, has designed its strategic goals for the Middle East, choosing the four major practical paths: partnership, the Belt and Road Initiative, coordination of diplomacy by special envoys, and the mechanism of forums for official cooperation. In order to promote its Middle East major country diplomacy strategy, China adheres to the three major diplomatic concepts of “responsibility, sharing, and rules,” strives to play the role of a constructive participant in the Middle East region, and has achieved fruitful diplomatic results. China’s Middle East diplomacy has formed a holistic logical framework of “strategic connotation—diplomatic concepts—diplomatic role—diplomatic achievements.”
2010年中东剧变以来,中国外交已进入实施大国外交的转折时期。随着中国国家实力和国际地位的提升,国际社会和中东地区国家要求中国参与中东地区事务的呼声逐渐升高。面对中东剧变后该地区的复杂安全局势和稳定发展的需求,中国在与中东地区国家达成了一系列发展相互关系的原则性共识的基础上,设计了中东战略目标,选择了“伙伴关系”“一带一路”倡议“特使协调外交”和“官方合作论坛机制”的四大实践路径。为推进中东大国外交战略,中国秉持“责任、共享、规则”三大外交理念,力争扮演中东地区的建设性参与者角色,并取得了丰硕的外交成果。中国中东外交总体形成了“战略内涵——外交理念——外交角色——外交成就”的整体性逻辑框架结构。
In the future, China’s Middle East major country diplomacy will face many difficulties: First, a Cold War-style tit-for-tat relationship has formed between Iran, the leader of the Shiite sect in the Islamic world, and Sunni countries led by Saudi Arabia. China needs to think deeply about how to maintain policy balance in its dealings with each. Second, although the Israeli-Palestinian issue has been gradually marginalized due to the upheaval in the Middle East, the civil war in Syria, and the ravages of the Islamic State, the Trump administration’s series of Middle East policies have again intensified the Israeli-Palestinian issue. China needs to pay attention to how to respond to the Israeli-Palestinian issue more flexibly and effectively on the basis of adherence to the principles of international law. Third, while China’s promotion of the BRI in the Middle East has made great achievements in general, the progress of some specific cooperation projects has been slow, and there have been many contradictions. This has generated both optimism and pessimism. Therefore, how to prevent over-optimism and pessimism is another major issue that China’s Middle East major country diplomacy will face in the in the future. Fourth, properly handling relationships with extra-regional actors in the Middle East, such as the EU, Russia, and the United States, especially handling the strategic competition with the United States, is a major challenge for China’s Middle East diplomacy. In the view of the United States, China’s influence in the Middle East continues to rise, rendering the United States’ “strong monopoly” unipolar structure in the Middle East somewhat out of control, and the United States is worried that China, Russia, and others will become “vacuum-fillers” in the region. It is constantly casting suspicion on China with insinuations, in the belief that China, Russia, and other countries will fill the vacuum in the Middle East region caused by the collapse of states and prolonged regional conflict.140 Fifth, the security, economic, and social risks in the Middle East have become more pronounced in recent years. Especially after Trump came to power, the U.S. government has arbitrarily bombed the Middle East, arbitrarily expanded sanctions against Iran, and arbitrarily assassinated Iranian leaders,141 so the uncertainty of the U.S. Middle East strategy is increasing, and all kinds of security risks in the Middle East will become even more complicated and confusing. In the future, the top priority will be to promptly design, adjust, and gradually adapt China’s Middle East major country diplomacy strategy and China’s role as a constructive participant in the Middle East, on the basis of adherence to the concepts of responsibility, sharing, and rules, and in accordance with changes in Middle East issues and the strategic environment, so as to avoid the major security risks that may appear in the Middle East region.
未来,中国中东大国外交还将面临很多难题:一是伊朗作为伊斯兰世界什叶派的领袖国家,与以沙特为首的逊尼派国家形成冷战式的针锋相对。中国在与两者交往的过程中,如何保持政策平衡需要深入思考。二是巴以问题虽然因中东剧变、叙利亚内战,以及“伊斯兰国”的肆虐而逐渐被边缘化,但特朗普政府一系列中东政策又重新将巴以问题激化。中国如何在坚持国际法原则的基础上更为灵活、有效地应对巴以问题需要加以重视。三是中国在中东推进“一带一路”总体上成就斐然,但有些具体合作项目进展缓慢,矛盾丛生,这导致产生乐观和悲观两种态度。因此,如何防止过于乐观和悲观的两种情绪是今后中国中东大国外交面临的又一重大课题。四是如何处理好与欧盟、俄罗斯、美国等中东地区域外角色之间的关系,特别是处理与美国之间的战略竞争关系是中国中东外交的一大难题。在美国看来,中国在中东地区影响力的持续上升,使美国在中东“一强独霸”的单极结构有些失控,美国担忧中国、俄罗斯等会成为中东填补真空者,不断含沙射影地猜忌中国,认为中国、俄罗斯等可能会填补中东地区由于国家崩溃和长期地区冲突造成的真空。五是近年来中东地区安全风险、经济风险和社会风险更加突出。特别是特朗普上台以后,美国政府在中东地区随意轰炸,随意实施扩大对伊朗的制裁,随意暗杀伊朗领导人,美国中东战略的不确定性增加,中东的各类安全风险会变得更加扑朔迷离。今后如何在坚持责任理念、共享理念和规则理念的基础上,根据中东问题和战略环境变化及时设计、调整和逐步适应中国中东大国外交战略和中国在中东的建设性参与者角色,规避中东地区可能出现的重大安全风险,将是中国中东大国外交的重中之重。