Translation Tag: multilateralism
Zhou Zhiwei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, traces the evolution of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine and examines its implications for contemporary China-Latin America relations. He argues that while the doctrine initially emphasized mutual non-interference, it has evolved into a tool of U.S. hegemony centered on security, dominance, and alliance building in the Western Hemisphere. He contends that in his second term, Trump has employed a coercive, securitized application of the doctrine, increasing pressure on Latin America and seeking to constrain China-Latin America cooperation. Despite these challenges, Zhou concludes that China-Latin America cooperation will continue to expand due to Latin America’s growing autonomy, economic complementarity with China, and the shared interests of the Global South.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Song Junying, a researcher at the China Institute of International Studies, examines the evolution and resurgence of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine, arguing that U.S. policy toward Latin America has consistently been characterized by a logic of exclusionism and interventionism. Song describes six historical stages of the doctrine, from its “emerging assertiveness” in the 18th century to a “forceful return” as the “New Monroe Doctrine” under President Trump. He observes that the New Monroe Doctrine prioritizes migration enforcement, security intervention, tariff coercion, ideological division, expansionist ambitions, and suppression of China’s presence in the region. However, Song argues that the “New Monroe Doctrine” will create only limited disruptions for China-Latin America relations and that the strong driving force of China’s bilateral relationships with countries in the region will persist.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Writing after the April 2025 Central Conference on Work Relating to the Periphery, Li Kaisheng of the Shanghai Academy of International Studies credits President Xi Jinping’s leadership with elevating periphery diplomacy and bringing China’s relations with its periphery to their “best period in modern times.” Li underscores the periphery’s importance to China’s development, security, and diplomacy, linking the stability of China’s relations with its periphery to Chinese-style modernization and resistance to U.S. containment. He identifies Xi’s principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit, and inclusiveness as the foundation of periphery diplomacy, expanded through five new dimensions, and portrays head-of-state diplomacy as essential to fostering trust, managing disputes, and advancing flagship projects.
In this article, Renmin University scholar Cui Shoujun assesses the drivers of evolving China-Latin America relations and identifies tailwinds and headwinds for this relationship down the road. He identifies 2015 as a transformative year in this relationship, marked by the establishment of the China-CELAC forum and more strategic regional engagement by China in the following years. He suggests that going forward, Beijing will need to appreciate diversity among regional capitals, encourage broader and more even Chinese commercial engagement across Latin American countries, and navigate U.S. intentions and anxieties about PRC presence in Latin America in seeking to develop ties with the region.
Lou Yu, a scholar from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), traces opportunities and challenges for continued development of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and broader regional engagement in Latin America. Lou is relatively sober on prospects for bilateral ties, pointing to the geopolitical situation in Latin America (specifically, growing U.S. and European interests in the region), substantial crime rates and associated security challenges to Chinese investment, and political instability in many Latin American countries. Nevertheless, Lou suggests that political trends in the region – including a resurgence of left-leaning governments – may result in greater openness to BRI engagement going forward.
A prominent Russia scholar, Feng Shaolei, analyzes the conflict in Ukraine, arguing that it reflects deep structural changes in the international system. These changes include increasing polarization between Russia and the West and growing relevance of the Global South in international affairs. Feng suggests that following the war, what he terms an “Asian Mediterranean” or Eurasian economic sphere will emerge, attendant with Russia’s pivot to the East and what he sees as China’s strengthening position in the Asia-Pacific.
This report, written by a group of scholars at the Renmin University Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies led by Wang Wen, the institute’s president, takes stock of Russia’s war in Ukraine at its second anniversary. The chapters delve into geopolitical, economic, financial, and military dimensions of the war, and draw conclusions for China. They recommend Beijing strengthen technology self-reliance, enhance the security of its energy supplies, improve its diplomatic narratives, and take a more active role in global economic standards-setting.
In this lengthy article, a BRI researcher at China Development Institute, a Shenzhen-based think tank, outlines perceived challenges to the Belt and Road Initiative around its 10th anniversary. These include geopolitical risks from competition with the United States, political and financial instability within partner countries, weak economic growth, and ill-defined goals and poor marketing. The author recommends Beijing improve risk monitoring and project oversight to manage financial and economic risks, and improve the BRI’s reputation across the globe by deepening diplomatic cooperation with a wide array of countries.
Xiang Haoyu, a research fellow at a prominent Chinese think tank, presents a typology of China’s diplomatic partnerships – which range from “strategic” partnerships (the most common type, held with at least 80 countries) to “all-weather” or “permanent” partnerships, describing very close ties with countries such as Pakistan, Venezuela, and Belarus. Xiang contrasts Beijing’s pursuit of partnerships to the “zero-sum” alliance network of the West, and suggests partnerships are a powerful diplomatic tool for Beijing that can be flexibly adapted to the counterpart country’s conditions and needs.
A Middle East researcher explores drivers behind Arab countries’ growing interest in BRICS membership, on the back of successful accession of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates to the organization in 2023. He argues that the countries hope to benefit economically from closer ties with China and Russia in the energy field, but also see BRICS membership as a way to accelerate the formation of a multipolar world order more favorable to their interests.