Media Type: Academic article
Zhang Yifei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, examines changes in U.S. strategy toward Latin America under the second Trump administration. Zhang argues that while the methods through which the United States implements its strategy in the region have changed, the underlying objectives have not. He argues that “retrenchment” to the role of a regional power is not possible for the United States, and concludes by advocating for closer China-Latin America relations, emphasizing their shared identity as members of the Global South.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Sitegeqi, a researcher at the Institute of International Strategic Studies in Beijing, compares the original Monroe Doctrine with the “New Monroe Doctrine” of President Trump, arguing the latter has a more isolationist character but a broader geographic scope. He contends that Trump sees Latin America as a source of U.S. domestic problems, which he seeks to address through foreign policy.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Xing Guangcheng, a leading scholar on borderlands and Sino-Russian relations at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, argues U.S. strategy towards China has shifted from “engagement plus containment” to comprehensive containment, creating unprecedented challenges for China in its periphery. He urges China to “re-create” its peripheral environment by reshaping rather than merely preserving favorable conditions, with the Belt and Road Initiative as the key platform. Stressing the importance of soft power and people-to-people ties to counter the “China threat” narrative, Xing highlights SCO, ASEAN, and BRICS as “levers” for regional cooperation that can help China resist U.S. encirclement and achieve long-term rejuvenation.
Yang Guoliang, a professor at the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE) in Beijing, frames U.S. pursuit of strategic competition with China as a reemergence of Western imperialism. He suggests the relative shift in economic power away from the West in past decades, toward the rest of the world, has led Washington to characterize globalization as “out-of-control” and introduce its own set of restrictions on international commercial engagement. While reiterating the need for continued reform and opening up, he underscores the need for China to set its own limits on commercial openness — particularly in the realm of inbound foreign investment from the West — in order to safeguard its sovereignty, security and development interests.
Chinese researchers Sun Xuguang and Zhu Caihua explore the new paradigms of China’s trade as it responds to its industrial upgrading and domestic circumstances. They argue that as China seeks to become a manufacturing superpower, it has come to compete directly with developed countries in advanced manufacturing fields, engendering trade frictions with them. In the case of the United States and Europe, China’s changing trade patterns that now prioritize integrating domestic technology have in the authors’ view threatened to break up the Western high-tech monopoly and inevitably faced pushback.
In this article, Renmin University scholar Cui Shoujun assesses the drivers of evolving China-Latin America relations and identifies tailwinds and headwinds for this relationship down the road. He identifies 2015 as a transformative year in this relationship, marked by the establishment of the China-CELAC forum and more strategic regional engagement by China in the following years. He suggests that going forward, Beijing will need to appreciate diversity among regional capitals, encourage broader and more even Chinese commercial engagement across Latin American countries, and navigate U.S. intentions and anxieties about PRC presence in Latin America in seeking to develop ties with the region.
Two scholars from Fudan University analyze the evolving role of the Belt and Road Initiative in cultivating China-Latin America relations. They characterize Latin America as a key partner that China can work with to promote a reorientation of its trading relationships away from the United States and other advanced Western economies, and they trace growing diplomatic, cultural, and economic exchange between the two sides. Nevertheless, the authors also soberly identify complex challenges that could undermine such developments, including U.S. suspicion of China’s engagement in the region and political and social instability in many Latin American countries. They recommend Beijing proactively seek to deepen cooperation with Latin America on supply chains, infrastructure construction, and people-to-people exchanges, and strategically address the development needs of Latin American countries in order to build influence in the region.
Two researchers from East China Normal University argue that the technological superiority and rapid deployment of Starlink satellites from U.S. firm SpaceX raise a range of new international security issues. These include transforming space from a strategic support domain to a domain of military operations in its own right, crowding out space for satellites from other countries in low-earth orbit, and posing data control and information security challenges for other nations, including China.
Researchers at the National University of Defense Technology analyze the development of Starlink, SpaceX’s flagship satellite internet technology, its early connections with the U.S. military, and its uses on the battlefield in Ukraine. The authors argue that the United States is militarizing Starlink in ways that disrupt existing rules and norms governing the development and utilization of space-based technologies. They recommend Beijing track Starlink carefully, invest in developing and deploying domestic alternatives, and coordinate closely with fellow “socialist” countries to pare back Starlink’s global reach.
Correction: The partner column in the third row of the Table 1: Overview of the Militarization of “Starlink” should read “DARPA,” or the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency.
In this piece, two researchers from PLA-affiliated National University of Defense Technology argue that Starlink will negatively impact global stability, in light of its clear military applications, increased risks of accidents and collisions in space, and SpaceX’s close relationship with the U.S. military. The authors foresee a worsening security dilemma as other countries react to broad U.S. deployment of Starlink, thereby impacting strategic stability in space.