Media Type: Academic article
Zhou Zhiwei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, traces the evolution of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine and examines its implications for contemporary China-Latin America relations. He argues that while the doctrine initially emphasized mutual non-interference, it has evolved into a tool of U.S. hegemony centered on security, dominance, and alliance building in the Western Hemisphere. He contends that in his second term, Trump has employed a coercive, securitized application of the doctrine, increasing pressure on Latin America and seeking to constrain China-Latin America cooperation. Despite these challenges, Zhou concludes that China-Latin America cooperation will continue to expand due to Latin America’s growing autonomy, economic complementarity with China, and the shared interests of the Global South.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Two researchers at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR) argue that recent discussions of China-Latin America relations in U.S. academic and strategic communities have increasingly promoted negative narratives related to China. The authors claim that countering China has become “the starting point” for U.S. policymaking in Latin America, as evidenced by a flurry of official statements, legislative activities, resource reallocation, and broad-based government initiatives. They conclude China-Latin America relations face growing uncertainty due to U.S. efforts to exclude China from the region, which they say could harm the interests of the United States, China, and Latin America alike.
Xie Wenze, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), argues that a key component of President Trump’s “New Monroe Doctrine” is constraining China-Latin America economic and trade cooperation. Xie proposes an updated framework of what he calls the “two-ring strategy,” in which the United States relies on expanded control of the Western Hemisphere and dollar dominance to maintain its strategic advantage. He concludes by offering a roadmap for deepening China-Latin America ties to counteract the growing U.S. regional influence, including the periodic deployment of Chinese military ships to Latin America.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Song Junying, a researcher at the China Institute of International Studies, examines the evolution and resurgence of the U.S. Monroe Doctrine, arguing that U.S. policy toward Latin America has consistently been characterized by a logic of exclusionism and interventionism. Song describes six historical stages of the doctrine, from its “emerging assertiveness” in the 18th century to a “forceful return” as the “New Monroe Doctrine” under President Trump. He observes that the New Monroe Doctrine prioritizes migration enforcement, security intervention, tariff coercion, ideological division, expansionist ambitions, and suppression of China’s presence in the region. However, Song argues that the “New Monroe Doctrine” will create only limited disruptions for China-Latin America relations and that the strong driving force of China’s bilateral relationships with countries in the region will persist.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Zhang Yifei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, examines changes in U.S. strategy toward Latin America under the second Trump administration. Zhang argues that while the methods through which the United States implements its strategy in the region have changed, the underlying objectives have not. He argues that “retrenchment” to the role of a regional power is not possible for the United States, and concludes by advocating for closer China-Latin America relations, emphasizing their shared identity as members of the Global South.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Sitegeqi, a researcher at the Institute of International Strategic Studies in Beijing, compares the original Monroe Doctrine with the “New Monroe Doctrine” of President Trump, arguing the latter has a more isolationist character but a broader geographic scope. He contends that Trump sees Latin America as a source of U.S. domestic problems, which he seeks to address through foreign policy.
This is one of five pieces published by the Journal of Latin American Studies as part of a compendium titled “The ‘New Monroe Doctrine’ and China-U.S.-Latin America Relations.” The other four pieces are also available on the Interpret: China platform.
Xing Guangcheng, a leading scholar on borderlands and Sino-Russian relations at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, argues U.S. strategy towards China has shifted from “engagement plus containment” to comprehensive containment, creating unprecedented challenges for China in its periphery. He urges China to “re-create” its peripheral environment by reshaping rather than merely preserving favorable conditions, with the Belt and Road Initiative as the key platform. Stressing the importance of soft power and people-to-people ties to counter the “China threat” narrative, Xing highlights SCO, ASEAN, and BRICS as “levers” for regional cooperation that can help China resist U.S. encirclement and achieve long-term rejuvenation.
Yang Guoliang, a professor at the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE) in Beijing, frames U.S. pursuit of strategic competition with China as a reemergence of Western imperialism. He suggests the relative shift in economic power away from the West in past decades, toward the rest of the world, has led Washington to characterize globalization as “out-of-control” and introduce its own set of restrictions on international commercial engagement. While reiterating the need for continued reform and opening up, he underscores the need for China to set its own limits on commercial openness — particularly in the realm of inbound foreign investment from the West — in order to safeguard its sovereignty, security and development interests.
Chinese researchers Sun Xuguang and Zhu Caihua explore the new paradigms of China’s trade as it responds to its industrial upgrading and domestic circumstances. They argue that as China seeks to become a manufacturing superpower, it has come to compete directly with developed countries in advanced manufacturing fields, engendering trade frictions with them. In the case of the United States and Europe, China’s changing trade patterns that now prioritize integrating domestic technology have in the authors’ view threatened to break up the Western high-tech monopoly and inevitably faced pushback.
In this article, Renmin University scholar Cui Shoujun assesses the drivers of evolving China-Latin America relations and identifies tailwinds and headwinds for this relationship down the road. He identifies 2015 as a transformative year in this relationship, marked by the establishment of the China-CELAC forum and more strategic regional engagement by China in the following years. He suggests that going forward, Beijing will need to appreciate diversity among regional capitals, encourage broader and more even Chinese commercial engagement across Latin American countries, and navigate U.S. intentions and anxieties about PRC presence in Latin America in seeking to develop ties with the region.